原标题: 嘉兴哪里整形便宜华分享
Lexington莱克星顿Hillary Clintons bad book希拉里·克林顿新书欠精Her stodgy memoir is best understood as a briefing book for surrogates and “influencers”对这本枯燥乏味回忆录的最好诠释是为代理人和有影响力者写就的简明手册HILLARY CLINTON is a big fan of briefing books. As Barack Obamas envoy to the world she devoured great, thick binders on every subject imaginable, she writes in “Hard Choices”, a new memoir published on June 10th. As she worked tirelessly to prepare for summits and official trips to 112 countries, she admired the expertise of her diplomats. Only one thing bothered her. A few months into the job she asked the State Department to be more creative with graphics, after envying the flashier briefings carried by Pentagon brass. Soon, she beams: “there were plenty of coloured maps and charts to go around.”希拉里·克林顿是这种简明手册的忠实粉丝。她在她6月10日出版的新回忆录《艰难抉择》中写道,作为奥巴马总统的代表出使全世界,她见多识广。在她不知疲倦地为她112国的峰会和出访做准备时,她还不忘对她的外交官表达钦佩。只有一件事让她烦心。入职几个月后,眼红五角大楼浮夸的简明手册,她要求国务院在制图上也能够更有创意一些。不久后,她终于能够笑得出来:“总算有足够多的色地图和图标了。”Mrs Clintons 600-page doorstopper is full of this stuff: micro-revelations which are earnest, dull and self-serving, all at the same time. “Hard Choices” is a frustrating . The memoir has the cautious, polished, poll-tested feel of a campaign speech. A million copies have been printed. A multi-city speaking tour has begun. A first-day book-signing in Manhattan drew lines around the block and hundreds of reporters. A large campaign-style bus idled outside. It was sent by “Ready for Hillary”, a ginger group that wants the former secretary of state, first lady, senator and presidential contender to run again for the White House in 2016.克林顿夫人这本让人望而却步的600页自传中充满了这样的小故事—急切、无聊、自娱自乐却又无足轻重的爆料。《艰难抉择》会是一次让人挫败的阅读经历。这本回忆录就像一本小心翼翼、千锤万凿、经得住选民考研的竞选演讲。100万本印刷完毕,计划在多个城市的巡讲蓄势待发。第一天在曼哈顿的签售会吸引了长长的队和数百名记者。一辆庞大的竞选风格的巴士停在外面。它是由激进团体“为希拉里准备”(Ready for Hillary)赠送的,该团体持入主白宫。A press strategy was even crafted to handle a single chapter of the book, addressing the low point of Mrs Clintons time as secretary: the 2012 killings of four Americans by militants in the Libyan city of Benghazi, including Americas ambassador. The chapter was leaked early and Democratic officials and “surrogates” (campaign jargon for folk who can speak for a candidate) briefed on Benghazi talking-points by a former Obama spokesman, Tommy Vietor, and Mrs Clintons press guru Philippe Reines.公关策略占据了《艰难抉择》中的整整一章,描述了克林顿夫人在担任国务卿时的低谷。那是2012年4名美国人在利比亚城市班加西收到激进分子袭击的时候,这4名美国人中,其中就有美国的大使。这一章在书籍出版之前泄露了出来,里面写道,当时,前奥巴马发言人汤米·费艾托和希拉里手下的媒体专家菲利普·莱因斯曾就针对班加西时间的要点对民主党内官员和“代理人”(竞选术语,指候选人发言人)进行简要说明。Still Mrs Clinton says she has not yet decided whether to run. She did not write the book for followers of Washingtons political soap opera, she says severely. Rather, it is for Americans keen to learn more about diplomacy in the Obama era, and the exercise of American power in the 21st century, she insists. Such pieties are not wholly convincing. For starters, much of the book smells of raw politics, rather than diplomatic history. Mrs Clinton stepped down as chief diplomat in 2013 with high public approval ratings (in part because her job lofted her above the partisan mire for four years), but a list of vulnerabilities too. “Hard Choices” doggedly works its way down that list.但至今为止,希拉里称她还未决定是否参加选举。她严肃地说,她这本书不是写给华盛顿政治肥皂剧的剧迷看的,她坚持把这本书送给那些希望了解奥巴马时代的外交和21世纪美国的权利运作的人。这般虔诚并不是非常有说力。因为首先,这本书更像在写政治,而非外交历史。2013年,希拉里在公众持率一片大好的形势(部分原因是她的工作让她在四年时间里,暂离党派混战泥潭)下从第一外交官的职位上卸任,但即使那时,她也有长串弱点。而《艰难抉择》则固执地一项项弱化这些弱点的影响。In the Benghazi chapter Mrs Clinton accuses conservative critics of mounting a “political slugfest on the backs of dead Americans”. She has a point. But in turn she constructs a political straw man, accusing critics of suggesting that diplomats stage an un-American “retreat” from the world. She leaves unanswered the more relevant question of whether the Wests intervention in Libya, which she championed, left the country better off.在班加西那一章里,希拉里谴责保守派的批评家们让“踩在死去美国人的背上进行的政治斗争”愈演愈烈。这话不无道理。但另一方面,她在谴责批评家暗示美国外交使得美国从国际舞台上以一个不怎么美国派的方式落荒撤退时,她实际上把这当做了挡箭牌,因为她避开了更需要揭露的问题,比如西方是否真的在干涉利比亚,而这项政策一直因为她认为对国家有利而得到她的持。After Ukraine lost Crimea to Russia, many Republicans accused Barack Obama and Mrs Clinton of having emboldened Russia with their bid to “reset” relations. Mrs Clinton retorts that Russia rolled into Georgia when George W. Bush was still in office, calls the “reset” a worthy attempt to work on areas of agreement while setting tough issues to one side, and blames its failure on Vladimir Putin, one of the worlds “hard men”.克里米亚从乌克兰沦陷俄罗斯之手后,许多共和党派人士谴责奥巴马和希拉里在年“重启”双方关系的提议成了俄罗斯的“雄心豹子胆”。但希拉里反击道,早在乔治·沃克·布什在任期间,俄罗斯也曾吞并格鲁吉亚,“重启”美俄关系是值得的,能够让双方求同存异,专心双方存在共识的领域,暂时搁置难题,而这次错在这位世界上的风云人物弗拉基米尔·普京。Strikingly, other chapters involve veiled swipes at Mr Obama and his team. Mrs Clinton revisits painful disputes from the 2008 Democratic primary, when she felt subjected to sexist attack by Obama allies. She confirms a much-reported dispute from 2012, when she (in alliance with the then CIA chief, David Petraeus, and the then defence secretary, Leon Panetta) wanted to train and arm non-extremist Syrian rebels. Mr Obama decided the risks outweighed possible gains—a scepticism shared by White House aides. In the book she links this to a remarkably reductive account of Mr Obamas 2008 victory, writing: “After all, the President had been elected in large part because of his opposition to the war in Iraq and his promise to bring the troops home.”值得注意地是,该书其他章节含沙射影地抨击了奥巴马总统及其团队。希拉里在书中重温了2008年民主党总统候选人预选时令人痛苦的争论,当时的希拉里深感自己受到奥巴马团队的性别攻击。她确认了2012年一次多见曝光的争论,那时她(和时任中情局主管大卫·霍威尔·彼得雷乌斯和时任国防部长莱昂·帕内塔)主张训练和武装叙利亚的非极端叛军。然而奥巴马总统则认为风险大于受益,而白宫助理也同样有此怀疑。在书中,她把这段往事与奥巴马2008年获胜演说中的一段叙述联系在了一起,评价道:“毕竟,总统得以当选的绝大部分原因,是因为他反对伊拉克战争,以及承诺把驻扎海外的美国军队带回家。”Hawkishly, Mrs Clinton questions Mr Obamas decision to announce a fixed exit date for American troops in Afghanistan. She suggests that callow young Obama aides were wrong to urge a swift end to Hosni Mubaraks rule in Egypt. Finally, she addresses those who say she accomplished little. This is a popular attack: a recent conservative shows young Hillary fans struggling to name her greatest accomplishment. She retorts with a long list of mid-sized successes, from democracy promotion in Burma to a 2012 ceasefire in Gaza, or projects to advance womens rights.希拉里还强硬地质问奥巴马总统宣布从阿富汗撤军日期的决定。她暗示,奥巴马少不经事的助理团队不该操之过急地结束侯赛因 穆巴拉克在埃及的统治。最后,她赠言那些在她眼中成就甚少的人。这是时下流行的攻击方式——近期一个保守党派视频中,年轻的希拉里持者正在为找出希拉里最大的成就而左右为难。她选择用一长串不大不小的胜利来反驳,从在缅甸推进民主,到2012年加沙地带的停火,到推进女性权利的项目。If some chapters are too nakedly political for a work of foreign-policy analysis, then others are too worthy for many general ers. At times it feels as if none of those 112 countries is going to be missed out. Mrs Clinton offers accounts of African trade flows, a coup in Honduras, climate talks in Denmark, the fine work that Barbados has done with solar water heaters and her opinion of Canada (“our northern neighbour is an indispensable partner”). Those hoping for gossip will be disappointed. Few insiderish nuggets leaven the mix—though Mrs Clinton does explain why the secret service dislikes VIPs visiting Buddhist temples (they feel uny for emergencies without their shoes).如果说,书中一些章节从外交政策分析来说,显得有些过于裸地政治化的话,那么对于许多一般读者,其他章节还是值得一读的。希拉里在书中叙述了非洲的贸易往来,洪都拉斯的停火和她对加拿大的观点(我们的北部邻邦是我们不可或缺的伙伴)。那些想要八卦的人怕要失望了。书中鲜有内部猛料为本书添色,不过希拉里的确解释了为什么特勤部不喜欢重要任务访问佛教寺庙(因为不穿鞋子,他们会觉得不能时刻准备着)。Coming soon to a book group near you去你身边的书会吧To solve the mystery of what “Hard Choices” is for, think back to those Democratic surrogates being schooled on Benghazi talking-points. This is a briefing book for surrogates, and—beyond them—for the legions of “influencers” so prized by modern political campaigns: the amateur opinion-formers whose friends, colleagues and relatives listen to their political views, or follow them online. Understood as a briefing book, the memoirs oddities make more sense. It exists to offer talking points to each possible element of a future Clinton coalition—from folk worried about climate change to women who voted for Mitt Romney, who could imagine voting for Hillary, but whose husbands are obsessed with Benghazi. It never needed to be a good .要弄清楚“艰难抉择”目的为何,只要想一想班加西事件中给“代理人”提供的要点教育就明白了。这是对代理人的一份简明手册,不仅如此,这同样是针对众多在现代政治竞选中饱受褒奖的“有影响力的人”,他们是熟练的舆论导向者,引导他们的同事亲友听取他们的政治见解,或在网络上关注他们。作为一份“简明手册”来理解,这本书就不再让人困惑了。它的存在,是为了向每一个潜在的希拉里自己人提供话术,这其中,可能有担心气候变化的人,有为米特·罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)投票的女人们,她们也许想过投票给希拉里,但无奈自家丈夫痴迷班加西事件。从这个角度来看,这本书不需要是一本好书。 译者:杨雪 译文属译生译世 /201507/387597Berlin.Capital of Germany today,just as it was capital of Germany in the 1930s,when Adolf Hitler was Chancellor.柏林,现时德国首都,20世纪30年代,希特勒出任总理时德国首都也在柏林。In 1937, Hitler lived and worked at a building on this site.1937年,希特勒在这里一栋大楼中生活工作。This was the Old Reich Chancellery.这是当时的德国总理府。And here, Hitler spent much of his time alone in his bedroom where he would listen to what he called his ;inner conviction;.希特勒经常独自在卧室里聆听他所谓的内心信念。Often, Hitler would not emerge from his bedroom until lunchtime.他通常到午餐时间才出来。For central to his charismatic leadership, was the idea that he made all the big decisions entirely on his own.他相信作为魅力领袖就要独自作出全部重大决定。Hitler was always certain that he was right.希特勒始终确信自己是对的。He didnt even like to other peoples advice.他甚至不喜欢别人发表意见。In 1935, a leading Nazi sent Hitler a paper on youth issues and received this reply from Hitlers adjutant.1935年,一名纳粹高官递交希特勒一篇关于青年人的文章后,他从希特勒副官那里收到如下回复。 译文属201512/417628

听力参考文本(文本与音频不全一致,敬请谅解):Texting has become a dominant means of communication in todays interconnected world.Some reports suggest that large swaths of Americans prefer it to talking on their phone.If you count yourself among the 97% of Americans who send at least one text every day, it might be time to take another look at your texting etiquette. According to University of Michigan English professor Anne Curzan, theres a chance youre doing it all wrong.;You need to be careful,; Curzan said. ;Theres stuff going on with punctuation in texting. It is getting repurposed … and the period has come to be seen as serious, if not a little bit angry.;She explained that it all has to do with the fact that texting lacks all the context of the spoken language. You cant hear a persons tone or see their expression or body language. Without these cues, savvy texters are turning to punctuation to make themselves understood.Curzan told us the more neutral way to end a text is not with a period, but with no punctuation at all.;What were seeing here is that the written language needs to be adapted to deal with texting,; she said.;The important point here is that its not chaos,; Curzan assured us.;I think for those of us who are trying to figure out these conventions, we can say, ‘These young people dont know how to use punctuation. But in fact, they do know how to use punctuation, theyre just using it in a different way from the way we learned to do it. In fact, for young texters, they use punctuation one way when theyre texting, and another way when theyre doing formal writing for school. They know how to switch it up.;201610/471668

The world this week-Politics本周政治要闻Tributes were paid to Antonin Scalia, one of the justices on Americas Supreme Court, who unexpectedly died while holidaying in Texas.前美国最高法院大法官安东宁·斯卡利亚(Antonin Scalia)在德克萨斯度假时意外身亡。The political bickering over replacing him was less dignified.葬礼上,他受到很多人的追悼,但关于其继任者的政治争吵却没有那么体面。Barack Obama said he would nominate a successor to the conservative Mr Scalia.巴拉克·奥巴马表示将选出保守派斯卡利亚的继任者,该人选需要获得参议院的认可。That person would need to be confirmed by the Senate.共和党人却主张把此任命推迟至新总统上任即十一个月后再进行。Republicans argued for a delay until the next president takes office in 11 months time, undoubtedly in the hope that he will be one of their own.毫无疑问,共和党此举意在希望能有一名共和党人出任该职位。A federal judge in California ordered Apple to help unlock the iPhone used by one of the Islamists who attacked an office party in San Bernardino last December, killing 14 people.加利福尼亚的一名联邦法官要求苹果公司破解一名伊斯兰教徒的手机。该教徒于去年十二月袭击了圣贝纳迪诺(San Bernardino)的一个办公室聚会,致使14人丧生。The FBI wants Apple to disable the password feature.联邦调查局希望苹果能够破坏密码系统,但该公司并未从。But the company is not complying, arguing that building the software to unlock the phone “would undeniably create a backdoor” to its encryption protocols and give the government “power to reach into anyones device to capture their data”.苹果认为编译解锁手机的软件“将无疑给加密协议开了后门”,同时还将给政府“进入个人设备获取数据的权力”。Trucks carrying aid entered several besieged towns in Syria, including the rebel-held town of Muadhamiya, near the Syrian capital, Damascus.载有救援物资的车辆驶入数个被围困的叙利亚小镇,其中包括叙利亚首都大马士革(Damascus)附近被反对派控制的穆阿达米亚(Muadhamiya)镇。This came ahead of a planned “cessation of hostilities” in Syrias war, thrashed out by America and Russia in Munich.此次救援发生在叙利亚内战的“休战”之前,这场有计划的休战由美国和俄罗斯在慕尼黑举行的会议上经研究后共同提出。No one expects the ceasefire to take hold.无人料到此次停火的出现。Members of opposition parties in the Democratic Republic of Congo went on strike to protest against efforts by Joseph Kabila, the president, to run for a third term in office.刚果民主共和国(Democratic Republic of Congo )的反对党通过罢工来抗议总统约瑟夫·卡比拉(Joseph Kabila)竞选第三任期。Britain was on the brink of agreeing on new terms for its membership of the EU at a summit on February 18th and 19th, clearing the way for a referendum in June.在二月十八日和十九日举行的峰会上,英国即将同意有关其在欧盟的成员地位的新条款,这为将在六月份举行的全民公投扫清了道路。David Cameron, the prime minister, was confident of securing a deal in Brussels, but Eurosceptics back home were poised to criticise whatever emerged from the talks.英国首相戴维·卡梅伦对于在布鲁塞尔达成协议十分自信,但国内的疑欧派却随时准备对会谈中发生的任何事情都进行批评。The European summit would also tackle the refugee crisis.欧盟峰会还将对难民危机进行处理。Austria set a daily cap of 3,200 migrants whom it will allow to cross its borders.奥地利把过境的难民人数上限设定在每天3200人,It also tightened border controls with countries in the Balkans that migrants cross to reach Austria.同时还加紧了对与巴尔干国家接壤的边境的控制。Many then travel on to Germany and Sweden.难民通过巴尔干国家进入奥地利后,很多人继续去往德国和瑞典。Turkeys prime minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, cancelled a visit to Brussels after a bomb in Ankara, the Turkish capital, killed at least 28 people.土耳其首都安卡拉(Ankara)发生爆炸,造成至少28人死亡,总理艾哈迈德·达武特奥卢(Ahmet Davutoglu)取消对布鲁塞尔的访问。The device was detonated close to the defence ministry as an army bus was passing by.一辆军车驶过时,爆炸装置在国防部附近被引爆。Turkey blamed Kurdish rebels.土耳其对库尔德武装分子提出谴责。Russia filed a lawsuit in a court in London to try to get Ukraine to repay a billion bond.俄罗斯在伦敦的一个法院对乌克兰提起诉讼,要求偿还价值30亿美元的债券。Ukraine says that Russia has refused to take part in negotiations over restructuring the debt.乌克兰表示俄罗斯此前拒绝了参与重组债务的和谈。Meanwhile Ukraines prime minister, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, survived a vote of no confidence in parliament after the countrys president, Petro Poroshenko, called on him to step down, ostensibly over the slow pace of reforms.与此同时,乌克兰总理阿尔塞·雅琴尼克(Arseniy Yatsenyuk)在一场议会不信任投票中险险保住职位,此前该国总统佩特罗·波罗申科(Petro Poroshenko)表面上以改革进程缓慢为由要求他辞职。The economy minister recently resigned and blamed Mr Poroshenko for hindering reform.最近,经济部长辞职并谴责波罗申科阻碍了改革的进行。 译文属译生译世201602/428463

Eastern Ukraine乌克兰东部Fighting on坚持战斗As the battle continues and the death toll mounts, the West imposes more sanctions战争持续,伤亡增多,西方国家加强制裁THE two presidents could not have offered a greater contrast. Announcing new sanctions against Russia on July 16th, Americas Barack Obama a prepared statement and took no questions. Minutes later, Russias Vladimir Putin staged an off-the-cuff press conference in Brazil to assail the sanctions legitimacy. He let emotion take hold, reaching a crescendo during a riff about the “tears of mothers, widows and orphans” in Ukraine.两位总统都无法达成更好的协议。7月16日美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马宣读了准备好了的声明,宣布对俄罗斯的新制裁并不回应任何问题。几分钟之后,俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京在巴西举行了即席记者招待会来质疑制裁的合法性。他在说到乌克兰“母亲、遗孀和孤儿的眼泪”等反复出现的字节时被情绪影响,音量逐渐加强。The new sanctions come at a crucial juncture in Ukraines war. The death toll, both civilian and military, is rising as the fighting creeps into Donetsk and Luhansk, eastern Ukraines two biggest cities. Russia has not stopped its support for rebel forces, and has even ramped up equipment transfers following the fall of rebel-held Sloviansk two weeks ago. Kiev has implicated Moscow in the recent downing of two Ukrainian military aircraft. After an air strike demolished an apartment block in the city of Snizhne on July 15th, Ukrainian officials called it a Russian provocation, saying none of their planes took off that day. That would imply Russia sending a jet more than 20 kilometres (12 miles) across the border to bomb a residential neighbourhood and poison opinion against Kiev, a cynical notion even for Mr Putin. But to blame Ukraine is to accept that the countrys armed forces are dangerously incompetent or stunningly cruel. Neither version suggests the conflict will abate soon.新的制裁正好出现在乌克兰战争的关键点上。平民和军方的死亡总人数因为乌克兰东部两个最大的城市顿涅茨克和卢汉斯克战火蔓延而不断增加。俄罗斯并没有停止对乌克兰叛军的持,甚至在两周前叛军控制的斯洛伐克沦陷后,将转让的装备提升了。基辅因最近两家乌克兰军用飞机的坠毁与莫斯科纠缠不清。在7月15日一架飞机撞毁了一栋位于斯尼日内的公寓楼后,乌克兰官方称之为俄罗斯的挑衅,并称乌克兰的飞机在那天均没有起飞。这就意味着俄罗斯派遣了一架飞机越过边境线至少20千米(约合12里),向邻国住宅区投放炮弹,并且刻意抹黑基辅,这即使对普京来讲也过于愤世嫉俗。但是怪罪乌克兰就是承认这个国家的武装力量过于不称职或者惊人的残忍。不论是哪个版本的说法都表明矛盾不会很快结束。The main targets of the new sanctions are two prominent banks (Vneshekonombank and Gazprombank ) and two energy firms (Novatek and Rosneft). The sanctions do not yet cut the companies off from international business or block their assets. Instead, they restrict access to American debt and equity markets, barring loans of more than 90 days maturity. Eight defence firms, a few individuals and a Crimean shipping firm face more traditional asset freezes. The European Union has promised to follow suit, with the names of “entities and persons” affected to be released shortly.新制裁的主要目标是两个主要的(Vneshekonombank和 Gazprombank)和两个能源公司(Novatek和Rosneft)。但制裁并没有切断这些公司与国际商务的关系,也没有冻结它们的资产。相反,它们只是限制进入美国债券和股票市场,禁止借贷超过90天的贷款。八家防务公司,少数个体公司和一家克里米亚半岛的船运公司面临着更加传统的资产冻结问题。欧盟承诺也会跟着美国做,取名为“实体与个人”并且会很快产生影响。The sanctions effect will depend on whether Mr Putin finds that another blow to his countrys wobbly economy hurts more than one to his pride. So far he has bridled, saying the decision would have a “boomerang effect” and that American-Russian relations were being driven to a “dead end”. In any case the fighting in eastern Ukraine has taken on a momentum beyond his control. Kievs “anti-terrorist operation” is alienating locals. Since the fighting began three months ago, 478 civilians killed, and 1,392 have been wounded. The anger on the ground may be creating conditions for what Alexander Golts, an independent Moscow-based defence analyst, calls “a long partisan war”.制裁的效果取决于普京能否对俄罗斯摇摇欲坠的经济伤害甚于对他本人骄傲的打击。到目前为止他对此表示不屑一顾,并称决议将会产生“回旋效果”,并且美俄关系将会进入“死胡同”。无论如何乌克兰东部的战争已经超出它的控制范围了。基辅的“反恐作战”正使当地人疏远。自从3个月前战争开始,478名平民死亡,1392名平民受伤。现场的愤怒可能会将情形变为莫斯科国防分析师亚历山大·高斯所说的“长期党派战争”。The rebels attitude is “victory or death”. At one militias base on the edge of Donetsk, where shelling has ravaged residential areas, three weary soldiers take cover in a bomb shelter. “People dont fully comprehend what is happening,” says one, referring to stunned locals who peek out of their windows when they hear the sounds of battle. He might have been speaking of the outside world. At another base, away from the fighting, few think it will stop soon. “Its not fucked up,” says Maksim, giving a soldiers assessment. “Its completely fucked up.” A brawny ex-paratrooper, he once served in the same Ukrainian army he now fights against. He promises to stand till the end.叛军的态度是“不成功便成仁”。在一个民兵组织驻扎的顿涅茨克的边境,那里的炮击已经摧毁了居民区,3名疲惫不堪的士兵躲在一个防空洞里。“人们并不能完全明白繁盛了什么。”一名士兵说道,指的是震惊的当地人在听到战争的声音时还透过窗子偷看。他或许一直都在说外面的世界。在另一个远离战争的基地中,几乎没人认为这会很快结束。“这还没到一团糟的地步。”马克西姆在给一位士兵做评估时说。“这已经是一团糟了。”一位强壮的前任伞兵说,他曾役于他现在攻击的同一乌克兰军队。他保不到最后一刻绝不倒下。译者:邵夏沁 校对:邵灵玲译文属译生译世 /201508/390198French politics法国政治A policy “reorientation”政策“转向”France’s parliament votes on the European fiscal pact法国议会将就欧盟财政契约进行表决Francois Holland campaigned on a promise to “renegotiate” the European fiscal pact signed by his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy, and Germany’s chancellor, Angela Merkel. Now the French president is trying to persuade his Socialist deputies to vote in favour of the very same pact, in treaty form. In a parliamentary debate on October 2nd his prime minister, Jean-Marc Ayrault, argued that a rejection of the treaty, which enshrines budgetary discipline and goes to a vote on October 9th, would provoke “a political crisis and the collapse of monetary union”. But the irony of this turnaround has not been lost.弗朗索瓦·奥朗德在竞选时曾承诺,将“重新磋商”前任总统尼古拉·萨科奇与德国总理安吉拉·默克尔共同签署的欧洲财政契约。而现在,这位法国总统正尝试说其社会党内议员投票持该契约。在10月2日的一场议会辩论中,法国总理让-马克·艾罗称,该条约是对财政纪律的维护,投票将在10月9日进行,而否决该条约将会挑起“一场政治危机,导致货币联盟崩溃”。这一立场转变的讽刺之处尚不尽于此。Mr Hollande faces a rebellion on the left of his party, with about 20 deputies threatening to vote against, and from the Greens, who have formally decided to oppose the treaty. This is particularly odd for the two Green ministers, Cecile Duflot and Pascal Canfin, who have ruled out resigning from government despite their party’s opposition. On September 30th tens of thousands of demonstrators took to the streets in protest at the treaty and at austerity, urging Mr Hollande to “listen to the people not the financiers”. A group of Eurosceptics on the right have declared that, if the treaty is approved, the loss of sovereignty will turn French deputies into mere “museum guards”.奥朗德不仅失去了其社会党内左翼人士的持——约20位议员威胁要投反对票,还面临着绿党的反对——后者已正式决定反对该条约。这对赛希尔·杜弗洛及巴斯卡尔·康凡这两位来自绿党的部长来说尤为罕见,此二人曾抵住党内反对,拒绝从政府辞职。9月30日,成千上万的示威者走上街头抵制该条约,反对财政紧缩政策,催促奥朗德“听听民众而不是金融家的声音”。一些右翼欧洲怀疑论者还宣称,如果这一条约得以通过,主权的丧失将会把法国议员变成纯粹的“物馆保安”。In all likelihood, the treaty will nonetheless be approved. Mr Hollande can rely on the votes of most deputies on the right, who are relishing the sight of the Socialist Party, which kicked up such a fuss against the original pact, now championing the text. Bernard Cazeneuve, the Europe minister, who has been pleading the cause in endless meetings with deputies, still holds out hope that dissident Socialists might be won round. He argues that the treaty needs to be seen in the context of a policy “reorientation” in the euro zone since Mr Hollande took over. Leaders have agreed to a parallel growth pact, albeit modest, and to work on other measures, such as common banking supervision.然而,该条约十有八九都会得以通过。奥朗德可以依赖大多数右翼议员的持,他们欣赏社会党的视野,曾经轰轰烈烈地反对契约草案,现在却为其斩棘开路。欧洲事务部部长贝尔纳尔·卡兹纳夫曾在无数次议会会议中声援该条约,仍然希望能够赢得社会党内反对派的持。他坚称,在奥朗德执政时代,必须在对欧元区实行政策“转向”的背景下看待该条约。领导层已经通过一个类似的经济发展条约——尽管是以微弱优势通过,并且同意就共同监管等其他措施进行协商。Achieving parliamentary approval, however, will not bury Mr Hollande’s Europe problem. A one-time protege of Jacques Delors, father of European integration, Mr Hollande is, at heart, a Euro-enthusiast. Yet his party, like his country, remains divided. Mr Hollande was particularly scarred by a rebellion within his own ranks, at a time when he was party leader, against the draft European constitution in 2005, which the French as a whole rejected in a referendum. He dithered for months before sanctioning Laurent Fabius, who led the dissidents and is now foreign minister. The underlying party split still lingers.但是,即便赢得了议会的持,也无法掩盖奥朗德面临的欧洲问题。奥朗德曾是欧洲统一之父雅克·德洛尔的门徒,他本质上是欧盟的忠实拥趸。但是他的党派和他的国家一样,仍处于意见分裂状态。2005年,法国全民公投反对欧盟宪法草案,时任社会党领导人的奥朗德就受到了党内同僚的重创。他迟疑了好几个月才制裁了领导反对者的洛朗·法比尤斯,后者现任法国外交部长。社会党内潜在的分歧仍未消弭。The debate about “political union” in the euro zone is almost entirely absent in France. Writing in Le Monde, a daily, Francoise Fressoz, an editorialist, called this a “strategy of silence”, designed not to stir up divisions. In his speech, Mr. Ayrault declared that France was y to make proposals, but on condition that the objective was “integration solidaire”, or integration with solidarity. But what exactly he and Mr Hollande mean by this, besides the mutualisation of debt, is unclear.法国国内几乎从未讨论过关于在欧元区建立“政治联盟”的问题。法国《世界报》主笔Francoise Fressoz称这一现象为“静默政策”,可以避免挑起纷争。让-马克·艾罗在发言中宣称,法国会积极提出建议,但条件是以“团结的统一”为目的。然而,对于债务互助化问题等政治联盟问题,他和奥朗德究竟言之何意还尚不明朗。Perhaps silence is indeed what best suits Mr Hollande, who is not a grand visionary but prefers to wind his way forward carefully. He may not know himself what it is he wants. Above all, he will resist a rush into any proposed treaty changes that would then have to go to a referendum in France. A recent poll suggested that, if the referendum were re-run today, 64% of the French would reject the Maastricht treaty, which the country approved in 1992 only by a whisker.也许沉默的确是最适合奥朗德的,他虽缺乏远见,却喜谨慎前行。他也许自己都不知道自己想要什么。由此看来,他会反对法国仓促实施任何条约修改建议,因为这最终会不得不通过公投来解决。最近一项民调显示,如果今天重新进行公投,64%的法国公民将会拒绝签署《马斯特里赫特条约》,而1992年,该条约在法国仅以微弱优势得以通过。 翻译:陈莎莎译文属译生译世 /201607/456842Car parking停车场Four wheel fever四轮热Even with a mayor, Bristol may not get a coherent transport policy即便市长出马,布里斯托尔也不见得能出台一个合理的交通政策Try and put a ticket on this贴张罚单试试CLIFTON, in Bristol, is an unlikely hotbed of political activism. Behind high streets filled with independent cafés, posh delis and expensive flower shops sit grand Regency houses. Yet three times this year residents and businessmen have marched through the streets of Bristol—first carrying a coffin and then, twice, with a tank—to protest against plans by the mayor, George Ferguson, to roll out stricter parking regulations. Their discontent hints at the powerful sense of entitlement felt by Britains car owners. It also highlights the limits of devolved government.布里斯托尔的克里夫顿不太像是政治激进主义的温床。在满大街独立咖啡馆的后面,精致的食品店、高档的花店坐落在华丽的摄政风格房屋里。然而这已是今年第三次居民和商人们在布里斯托尔街上游行了——第一次带了一个棺材,第二次带了一辆坦克,他们反对George Ferguson市长推出更严格的停车规章计划。他们的不满暗示了英国车主们强烈的权利意识。这也显示出了地方政府的不足。Bristol is one of the most congested cities in Britain. Traffic during the evening rush hour moves more slowly than anywhere except Belfast, Edinburgh and London. Fashion and official prodding have put more bicycles on the roads: bike traffic has grown by 25% since 2003. But car use has not dropped. Getting around in the city can be unbearable, concedes Mr Ferguson: “If were just one great bloody traffic jam were not going to be an economically thriving city.”布里斯托是英国最拥堵的城市之一。除了贝尔法斯特、爱丁堡和伦敦外,这里晚间高峰期的交通比任何地方都缓慢。时尚和官员督促使得道路上出现了更多的自行车:自2003年以来自行车交通上涨了25%。但汽车使用率却没有降下来。在城市间穿行可以说令人无法忍受,Ferguson承认说:“若我们是这样拥堵的一个城市,那么要变身成经济发达之城是不可能的了。“Bristol was the only city to vote for a mayor in a series of plebiscites held in 2012; nine others rejected them. And Bristolians plumped for a man who promised to do something about traffic. Mr Fergusons first pledge was “getting Bristol moving”. He has abolished Sunday parking charges. But the mayor is also in the process of introducing tighter parking restrictions beyond the city centre, often in places where parking is currently free, along with 15 resident parking zones. Locals will pay 48 (81) for the first permit to park near their homes.布里斯托尔是2012年举行的一系列公民投票中唯一一个投票选举市长的城市;其他的九个城市都反对。布里斯托尔居民选举了一个承诺要解决交通问题的人。Ferguson的第一个保是要“让布里斯托尔动起来”。他废除了星期天停车收费制度。但这位市长同时也计划在市中心外的区域加强停车限制,这些区域通常目前是免费的,还包括15个居民停车场。市民将为获得在家附近停车的第一许可而付48英镑(81美元)。Under current plans, businesses will only be allocated a handful of parking permits. Employees who do not get them will have to find other ways of getting to work in a city with a less than wonderful bus network. This irks business owners. “Potentially 45 minutes will be added to a long commute,” complains Jonathan Marchant, who works at an accountancy firm in Clifton. Other companies are threatening to move out of the city.在现有计划下,商家们将仅分得少数停车许可。没有停车许可的职员将只能在这个公交系统不尽完善的城市寻找其他通勤的办法。这令公司老板们不胜心烦。在克里夫顿一家会计公司工作的Jonathan Marchant 抱怨道:“这将可能给通勤时间加上45分钟。”其他的一些公司威胁要搬离城市。Mr Ferguson has much less sway over public transport than the mayor of London does, which makes it harder to lubricate unpopular changes. When Ken Livingstone, the former boss of London, introduced a controversial congestion charge to the city in 2003 he was also able to promise to lay on more buses and pump a successful transport system with cash. All Mr Ferguson can really do is negotiate with the privatised bus operator to bring down fares and extend routes slightly. For big projects he depends on largesse from Westminster even more than London mayors do. And cash to spend on big projects is tight these days in any case.相较于伦敦市长,Ferguson在公共交通的问题上显得有心无力,这也使得这个政策很难缓和那些不得人心的变化。当伦敦前任市长Ken Livingstone于2003年开始收取饱受争议的拥堵费时,他有能力许诺开通更多的公共巴士并投入资金构建一个成功的交通系统。而Ferguson能做的只是与私有巴士运营商协商降价并稍微延长路线。在大项目上,他仰仗于来自威斯敏斯特的慷慨,这一点甚至超过了伦敦市长。而近些时无论在任何方面大项目的资金都很紧张。Worse, Mr Fergusons reach does not extend far. Around two-thirds of metropolitan Bristol is under his control; the other third is run by another council, South Gloucestershire. This makes co-ordinating transport policy tricky, and increases the likelihood that politicians will squabble. Even if the mayor succeeds, the metropolis might not benefit much. In Clifton, a suspension bridge links Bristol with North Somerset. “Everybody and his daughter will park there and walk across,” predicts one resident. Rather than solving a citys traffic problem, Mr Ferguson might just end up pushing it elsewhere.雪上加霜的是,Ferguson的权力范围并不广。布里斯托尔约三分之二的辖区在他的控制之下,另外的三分之一由南格洛斯特郡议会管理。这使得共同协商交通政策变得棘手了,并增加了政客们发生争吵的可能性。即便是市长成功了,这座城市也许也不会从中受益很多。在克里夫顿,一座吊桥连接了布里斯托尔和北萨默赛特郡。一位市民预测:“每个人,包括Ferguson本人的女儿都会将车停在那儿,然后走过来。”与其说解决了城市的交通问题,不如说Ferguson只是将这个问题推向了别处。译者:王颖 校对:张娣 译文属译生译世 /201507/389666

Alrigt. Oh.Thats not good when that sound happens.Who wants to go next?啊 听起来感觉不大妙 下一个谁来You want Melanie or Heather, its up to you.是梅勒妮还是希瑟 由你们决定Me, cause its killing me.Okay. The waiting is killing me.我来 这太折磨人了 好 等的过程太恐怖了Than its gonna be Melanie, okay?那就先降梅勒妮吧 好吗Melanie, I will see you in a minute. - Okay.梅勒妮 等会儿见 好I mean, its too much fun,when you said you are scared.说真的 你说害怕的时候 实在是太有意思了Okay. Now, are you y?Wait a minute, wait wait wait wait.Wait.现在 你准备好了吗 等等 等一下 等等 等等 等等The crocodile has not moved back to that area yet.鳄鱼还没回去呢Alrigt.No. There are not crocodiles in there.Sharks.I am kidding.好吧 啊不对 那没有鳄鱼 有鲨鱼 逗你呢There are little baby jerboa cheer packs.那有群乐颠颠的小跳鼠Alrigt. Here we go, y? Yes.来了 准备好了吗 准备好了Here you go.Come on now.Hi. Oh My God!Hi.Hi...Alrigt.走你 大家出来吧 嗨 -啊 天呐 嗨 嗨 好了You each are getting a fifty-inches TCL Roku TV,and we, get to dance.你们每人都将获得一台50寸TCL罗库电视 我们 来跳个舞吧 /201601/421228In the summer of 1938,he was asking himself if he was prepared to risk war with Britain, France, maybe even the Soviet Union as well.1938年夏天,他抚心自问,是否准备好应付一场英法甚至苏联都有可能参战的战争。All over the question of Czechoslovakia.所有疑问都围绕捷克斯洛伐克。Almost every day,Hitler would take an afternoon walk down the slopes of the Obersalzberg and then, be driven back to his house-the Berghof.几乎每天下午希特勒都会沿萨尔茨堡的山坡散步,然后坐车回到伯格霍夫。And almost every day, the tension grew greater and greater.几乎每天,气氛会愈发紧张。Hitler said openly in the 1930s that he wanted to gain back for Germany the land lost as a result of defeat in the First World War and gather all ethnic Germans under his rule.20世纪30年代,希特勒曾公开表示要重新夺回德国在一战中失去的全部土地。And the border region of Czechoslovakia, the Sudetenland,contained several million ethnic Germans.位于捷克斯洛伐克边境的苏台德地区居住着几百万日耳曼人。But, in reality, as hed written in his book Mein Kampf back in 1924,his ambitions were much greater.实际上,于1924年希特勒的《我的奋斗》中写的那样,他的野心不止于此。He wanted to gain a huge new empire for Germany in the west of the Soviet Union.他想在苏联西面建立一个庞大的新德意志帝国。But he knew that, whilst millions of Germans wanted to get back the land theyd lost,they didnt want to fight a massive war of conquest.希特勒很清楚,虽然数百万德国人都想要夺回自己失去的土地,但他们却不想卷入大规模侵略战争。And, as a charismatic leader,he wanted the majority to support him.作为领袖,他想得到多数人的持。So he hid his grand ambitions behind the smoke screen of simply saying he wanted to right the wrongs of the territorial settlement at the end of the First World War.他隐藏自己的野心,只是简单地说想;纠正;一战后领土划分的错误。 译文属201602/428500As we hear about the many ways that Dan Gilbert and the Ilitch family are reshaping downtown Detroit. We hear about the new businesses, bistros, bars and restaurants in Corktown, Midtown. The question persists: What about the neighborhoods?All around Detroit, there are homeowners who have made the choice to stay, to roll up their sleeves and do for their neighborhoods what the city has not been able to do.Chuck Brooks is one of those homeowners. He joined us on Stateside.Brooks story starts with being shot on a Detroit street. He felt as though his world and his life were over.But then, he became a man on a mission to help rebuild his city, brick by brick.Some of those bricks went towards his own home, which he built and named ;The Castle.; It has three huge garages, a fountain, new curbs and new sidewalks.Brooks tells his story in a memoir titled 4234 Lakewood: The Story Behind the Glory.Hell be holding book signings on June 25 from 3 p.m. to 6 p.m. and on June 26 from 2 p.m. to 7 p.m. at The Castle—4234 Lakewood in Detroit.GUESTChuck Brooks, author of 4234 Lakewood: The Story Behind the Glory201606/450914

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