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2020年01月23日 20:15:59 | 作者:网上大夫 | 来源:新华社
A French prosecutor says Fridays attack on a U.S. gas factory in Lyon bears the hallmarks of the Islamic State militant group.一位法国检察官说,法国里昂一家美国工业气体工厂上星期五遇袭事件具有伊斯兰国极端组织作案的特征。Prosecutor Francois Molins said Tuesday that the man who is suspected of carrying out the attack, Yassin Salhi, had a ;terrorist motive; when he beheaded his employer and attacked the gas factory. ;Salhi decapitated his victim, he hung the head on a fence to get maximum publicity, as he told us during interrogation,; said Molins.检察官莫林斯星期二说,将雇主斩首、并袭击这家工厂的嫌疑人萨利赫有恐怖主义动机。莫林斯还说,萨利赫在审讯中交代,他将被害者斩首,把头颅挂在围墙上,最大程度地示众。Salhi, who was arrested soon after the attack, is being held on suspicion of terrorism.萨利赫行凶后很快被捕,目前因涉嫌恐怖主义活动而被关押。He is suspected of crashing his vehicle onto the factory grounds and causing an explosion Friday.萨利赫涉嫌于上星期五开车冲入工厂,并制造爆炸。After Fridays attack, French President Francois Hollande raised the security level in the region of Rhone-Alpes to the highest possible level.法国总统奥朗德在袭击发生后将罗讷-阿尔卑斯地区的安全警告提升到最高级别。来 /201507/383453

LEGAZPI, the Philippines As Typhoon Hagupit churned across the Philippines on Sunday, residents of the eastern part of the island nation expressed relief that they had joined the hundreds of thousands who had evacuated to safer ground.菲律宾黎牙实比——上周日,随着台风“哈格比Hagupit)席卷整个菲律宾,该岛国东部居民表示欣慰,因为他们和其他数十万人已经被疏散到安全地带。Eleanor Llaneta, 60, decided to follow the advice of her neighborhood captain and leave her home in Albay Province, on the southeastern tip of Luzon Island, on Friday, more than a day before Typhoon Hagupit made landfall.埃莉诺·兰尼塔(Eleanor Llaneta)现年60岁,她听从居民区负责人的建议,于上周五离开了自己在吕宋岛东南端阿尔拜省的家,比台风“哈格比”抵达提前了一天多时间。In past years she might have considered staying put, but a year’s worth of news about the devastation of Typhoon Haiyan, which left more than 7,300 people dead or missing after hitting the Philippines in November 2013, convinced her that prudence was the best course.如果是过去几年,她可能会考虑留在家里,但台风“海燕0131月袭击菲律宾,导致300人死亡或失踪,这一年来相关新闻不断,所以她相信,谨慎是最好的选择。“We only knew about storm surges after Tacloban,said Ms. Llaneta, referring to the city that Haiyan left filled with mud, debris and dead bodies just over one year ago.“塔克洛班出事之后,我们才知道有风暴潮这种东西,”兰尼塔说。她指的是一年多之前,海燕袭击塔克洛班后,这座城市变得满是泥土、瓦砾和尸体。By late Sunday, what had been classified as a super typhoon was far weaker than Haiyan was when it hit, and was continuing to weaken. The storm, which is expected to push its way across the country until Wednesday, was generating strong winds and rain, but the overall effect was not as devastating as worst-case scenarios had anticipated.到周日晚间为止,超级台风“哈格比”的威力远不如“海燕”巨大,而且还在继续减弱。预计这场风暴将席卷菲律宾各地,直到周三。它带来了强风和暴雨,但整体破坏性没有人们预期的最坏情况那么糟糕。The government announced Sunday evening that at least three people were confirmed to have been killed by the storm, including a 1-year-old girl and a 65-year-old man who both died of hypothermia in the central province of Iloilo. The president’s office said “reports of a few casualties have unfortunately been receivedfrom the town of Dolores, where the storm first made landfall, but the full toll there was not clear.周日晚上,政府宣布,已经实至少人在风暴中遇难,其中有一岁女孩和一5岁的男子,两人都是在菲律宾中部的伊洛伊洛省因为体温过低丧生的。总统办公室说,“不幸收到了”来自多洛雷斯的一些伤亡报告,那是“哈格比”登陆的第一个地方,但该地的完整伤亡数字尚不清楚。In Albay Province, Ms. Llaneta and about 560,000 others were evacuated ahead of the storm, according to local officials. As of 4 a.m. Sunday more than 1.2 million people had been evacuated nationwide, Gwendolyn Pang, secretary general of the Philippine Red Cross, wrote on Facebook.在阿尔拜省,兰尼塔和大约56万人在风暴到来之前被疏散了,地方官员们说。到周日凌晨四点,菲律宾全国有20万人被疏散,菲律宾红十字会秘书长彭美Gwendolyn Pang)在Facebook上写道。Hagupit is expected to hopscotch across islands as it makes its way west. Maximum sustained winds near the center had dropped to about 100 miles an hour by Sunday morning, but the slow churn over the nation could dump large amounts of rain, setting off floods and mudslides.“哈格比”在向西部移动的时候,预计会跳动着穿过整个岛屿。周日早晨,近中心最大持续风速降至约每小00英里,但这样的缓慢移动可能会将大量雨水倾倒在菲律宾,引发洪水和泥石流。With full assessments of damaged areas far from finished, the government is not y to declare success publicly in riding out the storm. Still, officials and aid workers sounded notes of optimism that darker predictions of the storm’s destructiveness would not materialize.受灾区域的全面评估还远未结束,政府尚不准备公开声明已经成功度过了这场风暴。不过,官员和救援人员表现得很乐观,他们觉得,关于这场风暴破坏性的可怕预言不会实现。“The picture looks O.K. so far in the daylight,said Kate Marshall, a spokeswoman for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. “But we still don’t know what happens when the typhoon moves northwest.”“迄今为止,白天的状况看上去还行,”红十字会与红新月会国际联合International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies)发言人凯特·马歇尔(Kate Marshall)说。“但是,我们仍然不知道当台风向西北移动时,会发生什么事。”Nearly a day after Hagupit hit, Albay had yet to record a storm-related death or serious injury, said Jukes Nunez, an Albay special operations officer. “Disaster preparedness, we want to make it part of daily life, just like brushing your teeth,Mr. Nunez said. “We are one of the most vulnerable areas in the Philippines.”“哈格比”登陆将近一天之后,阿尔拜尚未出现与风暴相关的死亡或重伤记录,阿尔拜的特殊行动官员朱克斯·努涅Jukes Nunez)说。“我们希望备灾能成为日常生活中的习惯,就像刷牙一样,”努涅斯说。“阿尔拜是菲律宾最脆弱的地区之一。”The Mayon volcano rises over Albay, adding a further risk of landslides to the wind, floods and storm surges that often follow typhoons. In 2006, Typhoon Durian dumped heavy rain on the area, setting off mudslides that buried villages below Mayon and killing more than 1,000 people.马荣火山(Mayon Volcano)矗立在阿尔拜,因此在这里,台风不仅可能带来风、洪水和风暴潮,还会有山体滑坡的风险006年,台风“榴莲”给该地区带来的暴雨引发了泥石流,掩埋了马荣下面的村庄,导致逾千人丧生。One significant development in disaster preparedness here is a much wider knowledge of the threat from storm surges, the walls of water pulled along by typhoons that can quickly flood low-lying coastal areas. In Tacloban last year a wall of water from Typhoon Haiyan ripped across a peninsular neighborhood known as San Jose, crumpling cement houses and causing many deaths.这里的备灾活动出现了一个显著进步,就是有远比从前更多的人,对台风带来的风暴潮威胁有所了解。它是台风卷起的巨浪,能够迅速淹没沿海的低洼地区。去年,在塔克洛班,台风“海燕”卷起的巨浪横扫了半岛上一个名为圣何塞的居民区,水泥房屋遭到损毁,导致很多人丧生。An assessment of that disaster by a German government-funded sustainable development agency said that many residents in Tacloban where the storm surge was the cause of most of the fatalities had not been familiar with the risks and did not evacuate. “Serious warnings and more effective evacuations along the coastline could have saved many lives,the report said.德国政府资助的一个可持续发展机构对那场灾难进行了评估,指出在塔克洛班,导致绝大多数人死亡的罪魁祸首是风暴潮,而那里的居民不了解它的威胁有多大,所以没有撤离,“在沿岸地区发布郑重警告,进行更加有效的疏散,可以挽救许多人的生命,”该报告称。In the year since Haiyan, residents have been exposed to much more discussion about the risks of typhoons, and evacuees in the city of Legazpi said that had contributed to their willingness to leave their homes.在“海燕”灾难发生后的一年中,居民接触到了更多关于台风风险的讨论,黎牙实比市的撤离者说,这种讨论让他们变得更加愿意离开自己的家园。“We were hearing all of this news on the radio about storm surges,said Maria Ampo, 46, who weathered the storm in a classroom in Bagumbayan Elementary School along with more than 30 people ranging in age from a month to 82 years old. “That’s why now we’re worried about it.”“我们在电台里听到风暴潮的各种消息,6岁的玛丽亚·安珀(Maria Ampo)说。“这就是为什么现在我们担心它的原因。”风暴期间,她和其他30余人待在巴贡巴扬小学(Bagumbayan Elementary School)教室里,其中最年幼的刚出生一个月,最年长2岁。The evacuation of so many people is an impressive step in preparedness here, Ms. Marshall said. “A million people evacuated that’s pretty huge for a country like the Philippines,she said. “Even so, we’re waiting to see what happens next. We’re not out of the woods yet.”本次备灾行动疏散了这么多的人,令人印象深刻,马歇尔说。“对于像菲律宾这样的国家来说,疏散一百万人非常不容易,”她说。“即便如此,我们正在等着看,接下来会发生什么。我们尚未脱离险境。”来 /201412/347280

Often likened to being “between a rock and a hard place Central Asia’s relatively isolated position has required it to maintain consistent and balanced good relations with two giant neighbours, China and Russia.中亚的处境常被比作“左右为难”,其相对孤立的地位要求它必须与两大邻国——中国和俄罗斯——保持协调、平衡的良好关系。Nevertheless, its high degree of integration with Russia has jolted the region’s local economies, the result of their twin exposure to the protracted Ukrainian crisis and the slump in commodity prices, manifested through tanking local currencies and reduced inflows of remittances from workers abroad.然而,由于中亚与俄罗斯高度一体化,受旷日持久的乌克兰危机和大宗商品价格暴跌的双重影响,该地区的经济遭受重创,这一点从当地货币糟糕的表现和海外工人汇款流入的减少便可见一斑。Anxiety has further gripped post-Soviet states in recent months, with the recent 35 per cent slump in the Azerbaijan manat and a 34 per cent devaluation in Turkmenistan, often considered the economy with the least direct exposure to Russia. Concerns are sping in Kazakhstan of an additional devaluation of the tenge (following last year’s 20 per cent decline) amid calls for early presidential elections.这些前苏联共和国近几个月来愈发焦虑,阿塞拜疆货币马纳特汇率近期下5%,土库曼斯坦货币贬4%,通常认为这两个国家的经济受俄罗斯的直接影响最小。哈萨克斯坦货币坚戈继去年汇率下0%后进一步贬值,担忧情绪正在其国内蔓延,民众要求提前举行总统大选。Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan arguably face even greater pressure, with both GDP and fiscal revenue highly dependent on remittances from Russia and the transit of Chinese manufactured goods into Russia/Uzbekistan. Neither has a promising outlook; the World Bank currently forecasts remittances to decline 4.9 per cent and 17.8 per cent in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan respectively this year, while Kyrgyz export volumes to Russia slumped 33 per cent year on year last year also partly the result of a concerted crackdown on Kyrgystan’s re-export industries.吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦无疑面临更大的压力,这两国的国内生产总GDP)和财政收入高度依赖来自俄罗斯的汇款,以及中国商品进入俄罗斯或乌兹别克斯坦的过境运输费。两国的前景都不乐观,据世界(World Bank)目前预测,今年吉尔吉斯斯坦的汇款将下.9%,塔吉克斯坦将下7.8%。吉尔吉斯斯坦对俄罗斯的出口量去年同比下3%,部分原因是吉尔吉斯斯坦再出口业受到联合性打击。Uzbekistan, the region’s most densely populated country, has also seen an 11 per cent decline in its som currency over the last year, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) expects inflation to remain in double digit figures as a result.中亚人口最稠密的乌兹别克斯坦,其货币索姆的汇率在过去一年也出现1%的下跌。据国际货币基金组织(IMF)预计,乌兹别克斯坦的通胀率也将因此保持在两位数。Diversifying remains a challenge多元化仍然是个挑战The twin factors of low oil prices and Russian weakness have further pushed Central Asian states to diversify their economies. Nevertheless, their ability to integrate into global manufacturing supply chains remains hampered by their relative geographical isolation, problematic infrastructure and mostly low population densities.油价低迷和俄罗斯经济走弱这两个因素进一步推动中亚国家实行经济多样化。但它们融入全球制造业供应链的能力,仍受阻于它们相对偏僻的地理位置、成问题的基础设施和普遍的低人口密度。As an example, Japanese companies have not expanded manufacturing facilities into Central Asia as they have rapidly done in Southeast Asia, due to this lack of competitiveness. Accumulated financial exposure to Central Asia and the Caucasus by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), Japan’s main policy lender, currently amounts to only #165;642bn, barely 3 per cent of its total #165;21,106bn exposure across Asia, and most of this has also gone towards energy-related services.举例来说,日本企业在东南亚迅速扩大了生产设施,但在中亚就没这么做,原因是这里缺乏竞争力。日本的主要政策性——日本国际协力银JBIC)对中亚和高加索地区的金融敞口累积到现在,才仅420亿日元,勉强为其对全亚洲211060亿日元总敞口的3%。而且JBIC在该地区的大部分敞口都投入了能源相关务。Moreover, the declining rouble itself further stymies the potential for local manufacturing, given Russia’s much larger industrial economies of scale. Car dealers in Kazakhstan, for example, have slashed retail prices by an average 30 per cent in recent months to compete with a surge in Russian imports.此外,由于俄罗斯工业的规模经济比中亚大得多,卢布汇率下跌进一步阻碍了当地制造业的发展可胀?比如哈萨克斯坦汽车经销商近几个月将零售价平均削减了30%,以与激增的俄罗斯进口汽车竞争。Separately, private sector development and local innovation are difficult to implement even in the region’s more advanced economies, due both to the dominance of the state sector in most countries and the lack of access to credit and capital markets.再有,即便是中亚发展水平较高的经济体,也难以实现私营部门的发展和地方创新。原因有两个,一是国有部门在中亚大多数国家占主导地位;二是缺乏进入信贷和资本市场的渠道。China’s role in widening the economic base中国在扩大中亚经济基础中的作用Diversification is thus largely dependent on an expected massive surge in Chinese investment into the region which, in theory, should help build local industrial capacity and manufacturing supply chains. On paper at least, China has committed to investing .3bn into multiple infrastructure projects across Central Asia.于是中亚经济的多元化很大程度上依赖于一个预期——中国对该地区投资的大量激增。这些投资在理论上应有助于提高当地工业产能,帮助当地建立制造业供应链。至少在纸面上,中国已承诺向整个中亚的多个基础设施项目投资163亿美元。Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan, have also embraced the idea of acting as “transit hubsfor manufactured goods between China and Europe. Kazakhstan’s vice president is known to favour Chinese investment and the Astana headquarters of Kazakhstan Temir Zholy, the state-owned railway firm, beams televised pictures of the China-Kazakhstan partnership in the sector onto the streets.中亚国家,特别是哈萨克斯坦,也接受了充当中欧之间商品“转运枢纽”的理念。众所周知,哈萨克斯坦副总理欢迎中国投资,该国国有铁路公司Kazakhstan Temir Zholy位于阿斯塔纳的总部还将中哈在该领域结成合作伙伴关系的电视画面播放到街头。In addition to collecting transit fees on transported goods, this is also expected to result in some manufacturing spillover. A recent Kazakhstan-China investment forum resulted in agreements to establish 20 JV manufacturing projects in sectors such as construction, transport, logistics, and food production.作为转运枢纽,中亚除了可以对转运商品收取过境费,或许还有望享受到中国制造业的溢出。在最近举行的哈中投资论坛的促成下,两国在建筑、交通、物流和粮食生产等领域达成了20个合资制造业项目的协议。Less-developed economies such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which also face greater domestic political uncertainty, are seeking Chinese investment into infrastructure. One major flagship project is a mooted Kyrgyz-China rail project, although this faces both political risks in Kyrgzstan’s democratic environment, as well a clampdown on Kyrgzstan’s re-export trade. The deputy finance minister of Tajikistan, meanwhile, announced that China plans to invest bn into the Tajik economy over the next three years.吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦等欠发达经济体还面临着更大的国内政治不稳定,这些国家正在寻求中国对基础设施的投资。一个主要的旗舰项目是酝酿中吉尔吉斯斯坦-中国铁路项目,尽管该项目除了面临吉尔吉斯斯坦国内民主环境的政治风险,还要面对该国再出口贸易受到打击的风险。与此同时,塔吉克斯坦财政部副部长宣布,中国计划在未来三年向该国投资60亿美元。Turkmenistan also aims to become a regional transit hub in which China has a special investment interest. Kazakhstan in late 2014 inaugurated the first direct railway link connecting Iran with western Kazakhstan via Turkmenistan, to more fully diversify from Russian transit routes to Europe. Positioned as a halfway point, this new route also enables Turkmenistan to act as a gate for traded goods simultaneously between Russia, other post-Soviet states, and southwest Asia.土库曼斯坦也打算成为该地区的交通枢纽,而中国对此拥有特殊的投资兴趣014年底,哈萨克斯坦正式开通了首条经由土库曼斯坦直接连接伊朗与该国西部的铁路,使得交通线路在从俄罗斯到欧洲的线路的基础上,更加多样化。这条新铁路使地处线路中端的土库曼斯坦同时成为俄罗斯以及其他前苏联国家与亚洲西南部国家之间商品贸易的大门。According to Shohrat Kadyrov, a researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Science, Ashgabat is not only a major provider of gas, but also acts as an interlocutor between China and neighbouring states in the negotiation of supranational infrastructure corridors that aim to facilitate economic integration. In this regard, Turkmenistan is using the prospect of retaining its gas market share in China by investing in additional pipelines, which in turns allows it to bargain for infrastructure investments to facilitate the transit of Chinese-produced goods, arguably at Russia and Kazakhstan’s expense.俄罗斯科学院东方研究所(Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Science)研究员肖赫拉#8226;卡德罗夫(Shohrat Kadyrov)认为,土库曼斯坦不仅是天然气的主要供应国,而且还在中国与邻国间关于建设旨在促进经济一体化的跨国基础设施走廊的谈判中,扮演中间对话者的角色。在这方面,土库曼斯坦利用保持其未来在中国天然气市场份额的前景,投资额外的管道建设,并借此争取基础设施投资以便于中国产商品的运输,但这无疑将牺牲俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦的利益。The importance of Russia俄罗斯的重要性Media attention has mostly focused on the surge in aspirant Chinese investment in the region coming “at the expense of Russia with the economic downturn luring Central Asian governments towards China’s trade and investment prowess.媒体关注主要都集中在中国雄心勃勃的投资在本地区的激增(所谓“挖俄罗斯的墙角”),该地区的经济低迷使得中国的贸易和投资能力对中亚各国政府颇具吸引力。Nevertheless, it is also clear that Russia remains a crucial partner and ally not just for Central Asian states themselves, but for ensuring the stability of China’s investments in the region, in particular its energy supplies.然而,同样清楚的是,不仅对中亚各国自身,而且在确保中国对该地区(特别是能源供应领域)投资的稳定性方面,俄罗斯仍是一个至关重要的合作伙伴和盟友。Indeed, despite the recent pain caused by Central Asia’s economic alliance with Russia, countries such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan appear to be making what amounts to a political decision to join the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which currently includes Kazakhstan, Belarus and, most recently, Armenia. This comes despite the clear evidence in Kazakhstan’s case that its participation in the EEU has not yielded significant economic benefits, as well as the concomitant exposure to Russian domestic political cycles.事实上,尽管中亚与俄罗斯的经济联盟导致了近期的阵痛,但吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦等国似乎做出了堪称政治决策的决定——加入俄罗斯领导的欧亚经济联Eurasian Economic Union)。该联盟目前包括哈萨克斯坦、白俄罗斯以及最近加入的亚美尼亚。尽管有明确的据表明,哈萨克斯坦的加入并未产生显著的经济效益,而且还会暴露在俄罗斯国内政治周期影响之下,这些国家还是决定加入该联盟。Russia-led structures such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), beyond bland gestures of Sino-Russian geopolitical alliance and common interest, are acquiring real significance through the emphasis on maintaining, expanding, and modernising Russia’s network of military bases in countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Armenia. Russian bases remain strategic for the security of Central Asian governments themselves, since nearly their entire domestic military budgets go to Russia.俄罗斯领导的组织——如集体安全条约组织(CSTO)——超越了中俄地缘政治同盟和共同利益的单调表态,正在通过强调俄罗斯在吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和亚美尼亚的军事基地网络的维护、扩大和现代化,而获得真正的影响力。俄罗斯的军事基地对于中亚各国政府自身的安全仍具有战略意义,因为这些国家几乎所有的军事预算都流向了俄罗斯。In this respect, Sino-Russian co-operation is maintained out of a common interest to keep the Central Asian region stable. Chinese investment is required to buffer stagnant inward foreign direct investment flows into Central Asia from Russia.从这个角度看,中俄合作出于维护中亚地区稳定的共同利益得到维系。中亚地区需要中国的投资以缓冲来自俄罗斯的外国直接投资的停滞。However, Beijing needs Russia to provide security in a politically complex region subject to periodic unrest, as a means to ensure its massive investments into the region’s energy and infrastructure sectors. This is particularly crucial given the security imperatives in China’s own restive Xinjiang province, through which all energy supplies pass.然而,北京方面需要俄罗斯在这个政治形势复杂、受周期性动荡影响的地区提供安全保障,并以此确保中国大规模投资进入该地区的能源和基础设施领域。这种保障尤其关键,特别是考虑到中国在自身桀骜的新疆维吾尔自治区保障安全的必要——所有能源供应都要经过这一地区。This pattern of Sino-Russian cooperation is arguably being replicated elsewhere, such as in the ambitious pending construction of the Nicaragua canal, whereby China will finance the majority and Russia will provide military and other forms of security during the construction process.中俄合作的这种模式无疑正在被复制到其他地方。例如,在雄心勃勃、等待开工的尼加拉瓜运河项目中,中国负责大部分投资,而俄罗斯将在建设过程中提供军事及其他形式的安全保障。While media reports often emphasise the “historical distrustbetween China and Russia, evidenced by long-drawn and sometimes acrimonious negotiations over bilateral gas supply contracts, it is clear that China does not aspire to undermine Russia’s sociopolitical and security influence in the region, while Russia in turn is not resisting China’s economic encroachment into the region. It might be a stretch to call the relationship symbiotic, but it is certainly mutually tolerant.虽然媒体报道经常强调中俄之间“历史上的不信任”,并以两国间旷日持久、时而争吵激烈的天然气供应合同谈判为据,但很明显,中国并不想削弱俄罗斯在中亚社会政治和安全方面的影响力,而俄罗斯反过来也并不抵制中国对该地区的经济渗透。称这种关系为共生关系可能有些牵强,但它们一定相互宽容。Diana Gapak is a Russia/CIS analyst. Daniyar Kosnazarov is a head of Central Asia and Caspian Region department, Geopolitics and Regional Studies Division, The Library of the First President of Kazakhstan. Gavin Bowring is a researcher at Asean Confidential, a research service at the Financial Times.本文作者戴安娜#8226;加帕Diana Gapak)是一位专注于俄罗独联体的分析师。达尼亚#8226;科斯纳扎罗夫(Daniyar Kosnazarov)是哈萨克斯坦第一总统图书The Library of the First President of Kazakhstan)地缘政治和地区研究部(Geopolitics and Regional Studies Division)中亚和里海地区部门负责人。加#8226;鲍令(Gavin Bowring)是英囀?金融时报》旗下研究务机构《东盟投资参考Asean Confidential)研究员。来 /201503/364015

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