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2019年10月18日 03:24:37 | 作者:养心晚报 | 来源:新华社
I. Nanhai Zhudao are China’s Inherent Territory一、南海诸岛是中国固有领土i. China’s sovereignty over Nanhai Zhudao is established in the course of history(一)中国对南海诸岛的主权是历史上确立的8. The Chinese people have since ancient times lived and engaged in production activities on Nanhai Zhudao and in relevant waters. China is the first to have discovered, named, and explored and exploited Nanhai Zhudao and relevant waters, and the first to have continuously, peacefully and effectively exercised sovereignty and jurisdiction over them, thus establishing sovereignty over Nanhai Zhudao and the relevant rights and interests in the South China Sea.8. 中国人民自古以来在南海诸岛和相关海域生活和从事生产活动。中国最早发现、命名和开发利用南海诸岛及相关海域,最早并持续、和平、有效地对南海诸岛及相关海域行使主权和管辖,确立了对南海诸岛的主权和在南海的相关权益。9. As early as the 2nd century E in the Western Han Dynasty, the Chinese people sailed in the South China Sea and discovered Nanhai Zhudao in the long course of activities.9. 早在公元前2世纪的西汉时期,中国人民就在南海航行,并在长期实践中发现了南海诸岛。10. A lot of Chinese historical literatures chronicle the activities of the Chinese people in the South China Sea. These books include, among others, Yi Wu Zhi (An Account of Strange Things) published in the Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220), Fu Nan Zhuan (An Account of Fu Nan) during the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-280), Meng Liang Lu (Record of a Daydreamer) and Ling Wai Dai Da (Notes for the Land beyond the Passes) in the Song Dynasty (960-1279), Dao Yi Zhi Lüe (A Brief Account of the Islands) in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368), Dong Xi Yang Kao (Studies on the Oceans East and West) and Shun Feng Xiang Song (Fair Winds for Escort) in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) and Zhi Nan Zheng Fa (Compass Directions) and Hai Guo Wen Jian Lu (Records of Things Seen and Heard about the Coastal Regions) in the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). These books also record the geographical locations and geomorphologic characteristics of Nanhai Zhudao as well as hydrographical and meteorological conditions of the South China Sea. These books record vividly descriptive names the Chinese people gave to Nanhai Zhudao, such as “Zhanghaiqitou” (twisted atolls on the rising sea), “Shanhuzhou” (coral cays), “Jiuruluozhou” (nine isles of cowry), “Shitang” (rocky reefs), “Qianlishitang” (thousand-li rocky reefs), “Wanlishitang” (ten thousand-li rocky reefs), “Changsha” (long sand cays), “Qianlichangsha” (thousand-li sand cays), and “Wanlichangsha” (ten thousand-li sand cays).10. 中国历史古籍,例如东汉的《异物志》、三国时期的《扶南传》、宋代的《梦粱录》和《岭外代答》、元代的《岛夷志略》、明代的《东西洋考》和《顺风相送》、清代的《指南正法》和《海国闻见录》等,不仅记载了中国人民在南海的活动情况,而且记录了南海诸岛的地理位置和地貌特征、南海的水文和气象特点,以很多生动形象的名称为南海诸岛命名,如“涨海崎头”、“珊瑚洲”、“九乳螺洲”、“石塘”、“千里石塘”、“万里石塘”、“长沙”、“千里长沙”、“万里长沙”等。11. The Chinese fishermen have developed a relatively fixed naming system for the various components of Nanhai Zhudao in the long process of exploration and exploitation of the South China Sea. Under this system, islands and shoals have become known as “Zhi”; reefs “Chan”, “Xian”, or “Sha”; atolls “Kuang”, “Quan” or “Tang”; and banks “Shapai”. Geng Lu Bu (Manual of Sea Routes), a kind of navigation guidebook for Chinese fishermen’s journeys between the coastal regions of China’s mainland and Nanhai Zhudao, came into being and circulation in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and has been handed down in various editions and versions of handwritten copies and is still in use even today. It shows that the Chinese people lived and carried out production activities on, and how they named Nanhai Zhudao. Geng Lu Bu records names for at least 70 islands, reefs, shoals and cays of Nansha Qundao. Some were named after compass directions in Chinese renditions, such as Chouwei (Zhubi Jiao) and Dongtou Yixin (Pengbo Ansha); some were named after local aquatic products in the surrounding waters such as Chigua Xian (Chigua Jiao, “chigua” means “red sea cucumber”) and Mogua Xian (Nanping Jiao, “mogua” means “black sea cucumber”); some were named after their shapes, such as Niaochuan (Xian’e Jiao, “niaochuan” means “bird string”) and Shuangdan (Xinyi Jiao, “shuangdan” means “shoulder poles”); some were named after physical objects, such as Guogai Zhi (Anbo Shazhou, “guogai” means “pot cover”) and Chenggou Zhi (Jinghong Dao, “chenggou” means “steelyard hook”); still some were named after waterways such as Liumen Sha (Liumen Jiao, “liumen” means “six doorways”).11. 中国渔民在开发利用南海的历史过程中还形成一套相对固定的南海诸岛命名体系:如将岛和沙洲称为“峙”,将礁称为“铲”、“线”、“沙”,将环礁称为“匡”、“圈”、“塘”,将暗沙称为“沙排”等。明清时期形成的《更路簿》是中国渔民往来于中国大陆沿海地区和南海诸岛之间的航海指南,以多种版本的手抄本流传并沿用至今;记录了中国人民在南海诸岛的生活和生产开发活动,记载了中国渔民对南海诸岛的命名。其中对南沙群岛岛、礁、滩、沙的命名至少有70余处,有的用罗盘方位命名,如丑未(渚碧礁)、东头乙辛(蓬勃暗沙);有的用特产命名,如赤瓜线(赤瓜礁)、墨瓜线(南屏礁);有的用岛礁形状命名,如鸟串(仙娥礁)、双担(信义礁);有的用某种实物命名,如锅盖峙(安波沙洲)、秤钩峙(景宏岛);有的以水道命名,如六门沙(六门礁)。12. Some of the names given by the Chinese people to Nanhai Zhudao were adopted by Western navigators and marked in some authoritative navigation guidebooks and charts published in the 19th and 20th centuries. For instance, Namyit (Hongxiu Dao), Sin Cowe (Jinghong Dao) and Subi (Zhubi Jiao) originate from “Nanyi”, “Chenggou” and “Chouwei” as pronounced in Hainan dialects.12. 中国人民对南海诸岛的命名,部分被西方航海家引用并标注在一些19至20世纪权威的航海指南和海图中。如Namyit(鸿庥岛)、Sin Cowe(景宏岛)、Subi(渚碧礁)来源于海南方言发音“南乙”、“秤钩”、“丑未”。13. Numerous historical documents and objects prove that the Chinese people have explored and exploited in a sustained way Nanhai Zhudao and relevant waters. Starting from the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Chinese fishermen sailed southward on the northeasterly monsoon to Nansha Qundao and relevant waters for fishery production activities and returned on the southwesterly monsoon to the mainland the following year. Some of them lived on the islands for years, going for fishing, digging wells for fresh water, cultivating land and farming, building huts and temples, and raising livestock. Chinese and foreign historical literature as well as archaeological finds show that there were crops, wells, huts, temples, tombs and tablet inscriptions left by Chinese fishermen on some islands and reefs of Nansha Qundao.13. 大量历史文献和文物资料明,中国人民对南海诸岛及相关海域进行了持续不断的开发和利用。明清以来,中国渔民每年乘东北信风南下至南沙群岛海域从事渔业生产活动,直至次年乘西南信风返回大陆。还有部分中国渔民常年留居岛上,站峙捕捞、挖井汲水、垦荒种植、盖房建庙、饲养禽畜等。根据中外史料记载和考古发现,南沙群岛部分岛礁上曾有中国渔民留下的作物、水井、房屋、庙宇、墓塚和碑刻等。14. Many foreign documents also recorded the fact that during a long period of time only Chinese lived and worked on Nansha Qundao.14. 许多外国文献记录了很长一段时间内只有中国人在南沙群岛生产生活的事实。15. The China Sea Directory published in 1868 by order of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty of the ed Kingdom, when referring to Zhenghe Qunjiao of Nansha Qundao, observed that “Hainan fishermen, who subsist by collecting trepang and tortoise-shell, were found upon most of these islands, some of whom remain for years amongst the reefs”, and that “[t]he fishermen upon Itu-Aba island [Taiping Dao] were more comfortably established than the others, and the water found in the well on that island was better than elsewhere.” The China Sea Directory published in 1906 and The China Sea Pilot in its 1912, 1923 and 1937 editions made in many parts explicit records of the Chinese fishermen living and working on Nansha Qundao.15. 1868年出版的英国海军部《中国海指南》提到南沙群岛郑和群礁时指出:“海南渔民,以捕取海参、介壳为活,各岛都有其足迹,也有久居岛礁上的”,“在太平岛上的渔民要比其他岛上的渔民生活得更加舒适,与其他岛相比,太平岛上的井水要好得多”。1906年的《中国海指南》以及1912年、1923年、1937年等各版《中国航海志》多处载明中国渔民在南沙群岛上生产生活。16. The French magazine Le Monde Colonial Illustré published in September 1933 contains the following records: Only Chinese people (Hainan natives) lived on the nine islands of Nansha Qundao and there were no people from other countries. Seven were on Nanzi Dao (South West Cay), two of them were children. Five lived on Zhongye Dao (Thitu Island); four lived on Nanwei Dao (Spratly Island), one person more over that of 1930. There were worship stands, thatched cottages and wells left by the Chinese on Nanyao Dao (Loaita Island). No one was sighted on Taiping Dao (Itu Aba Island), but a tablet scripted with Chinese characters was found, which said that, in that magazine’s rendition, “Moi, Ti Mung, patron de jonque, suis venu ici à la pleine lune de mars pour vous porter des aliments. Je n’ai trouvé personne, je laisse le riz à l’abri des pierres et je pars.” Traces were also found of fishermen living on the other islands. This magazine also records that there are abundant vegetation, wells providing drinking water, coconut palms, banana trees, papaya trees, pineapples, green vegetables and potatoes as well as poultry on Taiping Dao, Zhongye Dao, Nanwei Dao and other islands, and that these islands are habitable.16. 1933年9月在法国出版的《绘殖民地世界》杂志记载:南沙群岛9岛之中,惟有华人(海南人)居住,华人之外并无他国人。当时西南岛(南子岛)上计有居民7人,中有孩童2人;帝都岛(中业岛)上计有居民5人;斯帕拉岛(南威岛)计有居民4人,较1930年且增加1人;罗湾岛(南钥岛)上,有华人所留之神座、茅屋、水井;伊都阿巴岛(太平岛),虽不见人迹,而发现中国字碑,大意谓运粮至此,觅不见人,因留藏于铁皮(法文原文为石头)之下;其他各岛,亦到处可见渔人居住之踪迹。该杂志还记载,太平岛、中业岛、南威岛等岛屿上植被茂盛,有水井可饮用,种有椰子树、香蕉树、木瓜树、菠萝、青菜、土豆等,蓄养有家禽,适合人类居住。17. Japanese literature Boufuu No Shima (Stormy Island) published in 1940 as well as The Asiatic Pilot, Vol. IV, published by the ed States Hydrographic Office in 1925 also have accounts about Chinese fishermen who lived and worked on Nansha Qundao.17. 1940年出版的日本文献《暴风之岛》和1925年美国海军航道测量署发行的《亚洲领航》(第四卷)等也记载了中国渔民在南沙群岛生产生活的情况。18. China is the first to have continuously exercised authority over Nanhai Zhudao and relevant maritime activities. In history, China has exercised jurisdiction in a continuous, peaceful and effective manner over Nanhai Zhudao and in relevant waters through measures such as establishment of administrative setups, naval patrols, resources development, astronomical observation and geographical survey.18. 中国是最早开始并持续对南海诸岛及相关海上活动进行管理的国家。历史上,中国通过行政设治、水师巡视、资源开发、天文测量、地理调查等手段,对南海诸岛和相关海域进行了持续、和平、有效的管辖。19. For instance, in the Song Dynasty, China established a post of Jing Lüe An Fu Shi (Imperial Envoy for Management and Pacification) in the regions now known as Guangdong and Guangxi to govern the southern territory. It is mentioned in Zeng Gongliang’s Wujing Zongyao (Outline Record of Military Affairs) that, in order to strengthen defense in the South China Sea, China established naval units to conduct patrols therein. In the Qing Dynasty, Ming Yi’s Qiongzhou Fuzhi (Chronicle of Qiongzhou Prefecture), Zhong Yuandi’s Yazhou Zhi (Chronicle of Yazhou Prefecture) and others all listed “Shitang” and “Changsha” under the items of “maritime defense”.19. 例如,宋代,中国在两广地区设有经略安抚使,总绥南疆。宋代曾公亮在《武经总要》中提到中国为加强南海海防,设立巡海水师,巡视南海。清代明谊编著的《琼州府志》、钟元棣编著的《崖州志》等著作都把“石塘”、“长沙”列入“海防”条目。20. Many of China’s local official records, such as Guangdong Tong Zhi (General Chronicle of Guangdong), Qiongzhou Fu Zhi (Chronicle of Qiongzhou Prefecture) and Wanzhou Zhi (Chronicle of Wanzhou), contain in the section on “territory” or “geography, mountains and waters” a statement that “Wanzhou covers ‘Qianlichangsha’ and ‘Wanlishitang’” or something similar.20. 中国很多官修地方志,如《广东通志》、《琼州府志》、《万州志》等,在“疆域”或“舆地山川”条目中有“万州有千里长沙、万里石塘”或类似记载。21. The successive Chinese governments have marked Nanhai Zhudao as Chinese territory on official maps, such as the 1755 Tian Xia Zong Yu Tu (General Map of Geography of the All-under-heaven) of the Huang Qing Ge Zhi Sheng Fen Tu (Map of the Provinces Directly under the Imperial Qing Authority), the 1767 Da Qing Wan Nian Yi Tong Tian Xia Tu (Map of the Eternally Unified All-under-heaven of the Great Qing Empire), the 1810 Da Qing Wan Nian Yi Tong Di Li Quan Tu (Map of the Eternally Unified Great Qing Empire) and the 1817 Da Qing Yi Tong Tian Xia Quan Tu (Map of the Unified All-under-heaven of the Great Qing Empire).21. 中国历代政府还在官方地图上将南海诸岛标绘为中国领土。1755年《皇清各直省分图》之《天下总舆图》、1767年《大清万年一统天下图》、1810年《大清万年一统地理全图》、1817年《大清一统天下全图》等地图均将南海诸岛绘入中国版图。22. Historical facts show that the Chinese people have all along taken Nanhai Zhudao and relevant waters as a ground for living and production, where they have engaged in exploration and exploitation activities in various forms. The successive Chinese governments have exercised jurisdiction over Nanhai Zhudao in a continuous, peaceful and effective manner. In the course of history, China has established sovereignty over Nanhai Zhudao and relevant rights and interests in the South China Sea. The Chinese people have long been the master of Nanhai Zhudao.22. 历史事实表明,中国人民一直将南海诸岛和相关海域作为生产和生活的场所,从事各种开发利用活动。中国历代政府也持续、和平、有效地对南海诸岛实施管辖。在长期历史过程中,中国确立了对南海诸岛的主权和在南海的相关权益,中国人民早已成为南海诸岛的主人。 /201607/454513From mutated insects and broken-down rescue robots, to cobweb-infested schools that haven#39;t been touched in years, the Fukushima evacuation zone—the site of one of the worst disasters of the 21st century—is showing no signs of regaining even a semblance of habitability... for humans, at least.基因突变的昆虫、损毁的救援机器人、学校里层层密布的蜘蛛网……多年都无人问津,没有任何迹象表明经历了21世纪最严重灾难的福岛无人区还可以居住,至少,对人类来说不可以。Wild boars are reportedly thriving in the evacuated areas around the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, which experienced multiple meltdowns following an earthquake-triggered tsunami back in 2011. And now they#39;re tearing through nearby farmlands, causing more than US0,000 (¥98 million) in crop damage for local farmers.2011年,一场地震引发的海啸导致福岛第一核电站发生多次核反应堆堆芯熔毁事故,而现在那片核灾区野猪泛滥。它们毁坏附近的农田,给当地农民造成了90多万美元(约合9800万日元)的损失。How did things get so bad? Well, under normal circumstances, this boar population would be kept under control by local hunters, with The Japan Times calling pork—including wild boar meat—;the nation#39;s most popular meat;.事情怎么会变成这样呢?其实,在正常情况下,当地猎人可以控制野猪数量。《日本时报》称,猪肉,包括野猪肉,是“日本最受欢迎的肉类”。But the problem is these wild boars have been contaminated with caesium-137—a radioactive substance with a half-life of 30 years—from eating plants and small animals around the exclusion zone, and now the hunters won#39;t go near them.但问题是,由于这些野猪吃的是无人区的植物和小动物,它们已经被一种半衰期有30年的放射性物质铯137污染了。;Wild boar, along with raccoon, have been taking advantage of the evacuation zone, entering vacant houses in areas damaged by the [disaster], and using them as breeding places or burrows,; assistant ecology professor Okuda Keitokunin at the Fukushima University Environmental Radioactivity Institute told the local press.福岛大学环境放射研究院生态学助理教授Okuda Keitokunin对当地媒体说:“野猪、浣熊趁着疏散区没有人,搬进了空房子里,在那里繁殖居住。”Now reproducing with abandon in the exclusion zones, the wild boar population has increased 300 percent since the disaster, from around 3,000 to 13,000, and they#39;re spilling out into the nearby farms to tear up and trample the crops.如今,野猪在无人区里自由繁殖,数量已经增长了300%,从3000头变成了13000头,它们还冲进附近的农场,糟蹋庄稼。And local authorities are running out of ideas for how to contain the rampaging force of radioactive boars, as Travis Andrews at The Washington Post reports:而且当地政府对怎样制止这群狂暴的放射性野猪也束手无策。《华盛顿邮报》记者特拉维斯#8226;安德鲁斯报道称:;These animals are unfit for human consumption, which presents another problem: hunters can attempt to reduce the population, but they have to do something with the carcasses. According to Texas Aamp;M wildlife and fisheries professor Billy Higginbotham, the average size of a male hog is around 200 pounds (90 kg).“这些动物不宜为人类消费,这又有另外一个问题:猎人可以减少野猪数量,但他们还得处理野猪尸体。德克萨斯农工大学野生生物和渔业科学教授比利#8226;希金特姆教授说,雄性野猪的平均重量约有200磅(约90公斤)。Considering this average, if 13,000 are killed, hunters have around 2,600,000 pounds (1,179,340 kg) of potentially dangerous flesh requiring disposal.;按这个平均数字计算,如果猎人捕杀了一万三千头野猪,他们就要处理260万磅(约117.9万公斤)有潜在危险的猪肉。”The hunters have been dumping the radioactive boar carcasses in three designated mass graves in the nearby city of Nihonmatsu, but they#39;re only big enough to hold about 600 of these sizeable creatures, and they#39;re filling up fast.在附近的二本松市,猎人们已经在三个指定的填尸场填埋有放射性的野猪尸体了,但这些地方大概只能容纳600具这么大的动物,而且很快就会填满。;Sooner or later, we#39;re going to have to ask local people to give us their land to use,; Tsuneo Saito, a local boar hunter, told The Sunday Times. ;The city doesn#39;t own land which isn#39;t occupied by houses.;当地一名野猪猎户Tsuneo Saito对《星期日泰晤士报》说:“我们迟早都会请求本地居民把土地给我们用,城市的土地都盖满了房子。”The most logical solution once these mass graves are filled to the brim is incinerating the rest of the radioactive carcasses, but you can#39;t just burn contaminated flesh—you need a special facility that#39;s capable of filtering out the radioactive materials so they#39;re not redistributed across the land via smoke particles.最合理的解决办法就是,一旦这些填尸场堆满,就焚烧剩下的放射性尸体,但不能仅仅烧掉这些被污染了的肉,还需要可以过滤掉放射性物质的特殊设备,防止它们随烟飘到其它地方去。Andrews reports that a facility like this exists in the nearby city of Soma, but ;it can only handle three boars a day (or 21 a week, which is only 1,092 each year; not quite 13,000),; he says.据安德鲁斯报道,像这样的设施只有附近的相马市才有,但“它一天只能处理三头野猪(一周21头,一年才只有1092头,与13000头还差得很远)”。So far, this is as close to a solution as the local farmers, hunters, and authorities have been able to get.目前,这已经是当地农民、猎人、政府当局所能想到的最好办法了。While nuclear meltdowns are tragic events for us humans, leading to a loss of life, homes, and livelihoods for so many people, many species of wildlife have shown incredible resilience in places humans fear to t.尽管核事故是人类的不幸,很多人因此失去生计、生命、背井离乡,但很多种野生动物的数量却在这片人类害怕涉足的土地上猛烈反弹。As we reported back in October, populations of elks, deer, wolves, bears, lynx, and boars are thriving in the Chernobyl exclusion zone decades after the devastating meltdown, simply due to a lack of human interference. Sarah Kaplan reported for The Washington Post that some of these populations have more than doubled in recent years.10月份我们报道了一篇文章,几十年前切尔诺贝利核电站发生了毁灭性的事故,而现在,由于没有人类干扰,鹿、狼、熊、山猫和野猪都在那里迅速繁殖。《华盛顿邮报》的记者莎拉#8226;卡普兰说,有些品种的数量近几年翻了一番不止。;That wildlife started increasing when humans abandoned the area in 1986 is not earth-shattering news,; radio-ecology expert Tom Hinton from Fukushima University told her. ;What#39;s surprising here was the life was able to increase even in an area that is among the most radioactively contaminated in the world.;“1986年人们撤离切尔诺贝利后野生动物的数量就一直在增长,这并不是什么骇人听闻的消息,”福岛大学放射生态学专家汤姆#8226;辛顿对她说,“令人震惊的是即使在世界上放射性污染最严重的地区,生命还能如此快速繁殖。”Meanwhile, radioactive boars aren#39;t the only thing local authorities in Fukushima are having to deal with. There#39;s a whole lot of contaminated water still leaking out of the power plant, and no one#39;s quite sure how to get rid of the radioactive tritium they#39;re extracting from it.同时,放射性的野猪并不是福岛政府当局唯一要处理的事。还有大量被污染的水从核电站泄露出去,没有人确切知道该怎样处理从里面提取出来的放射性物质氚。One thing#39;s for sure—humanity has never seen a disaster quite like this, and we#39;ve still got many years to go before this nightmare is over for the people trying to live in the area. All we can do is hope that science can come through with some answers.但有一点是肯定的——人类从来没有经历过这样的灾难,我们还要花很多年来解决在这片土地上居住的问题,结束这场噩梦。我们能做的只有祈祷科学可以快快找到。 /201604/437555How, in the days before refrigeration, before electric fans, before air-conditioning — did people make it through summer in New York?在没有冰箱的日子,在有电扇、空调之前,纽约人是怎么熬过夏天的?The short answer is: A lot of them didn’t. Nearly 1,500 New Yorkers died during a heat wave in 1896, and nearly 700 fell victim to another one in 1901.简单说来,很多人没有熬过夏天。有将近1500名纽约人1896年的时候死于热浪,另有将近700人1901年的时候被热天害惨。There were roughly 600 heat deaths in the city each year between 2000 and 2006, and experts predict climate change will cause that number to soar in the coming decades — but the conveniences of modern life mean they’re not as dangerous as they used to be.2000年至2006年间,城市约有600例中暑身亡,专家预言气候变化会导致接下来数十年中暑人数飙升,但现代生活的便利意味着其实也不会像以前那么危险。Air conditioners became fixtures in public spaces in the 1930s and sp to private homes throughout the middle part of the 20th century. The risk of heat death has steadily dropped in conjunction with AC’s rise.20世纪30年代,空调成了公共设施,20世纪中叶,普及到私人住宅。空调数量激增,中暑身亡的风险也稳步下降。But the lack of AC also gave our recent ancestors an advantage: it made it easier for them to tolerate the heat.但我们的先人们没有空调也有优势:他们更耐热。Our reliance on air-conditioning is actually making the world hotter; residential cooling uses such a massive amount of energy, that AC use has climate researchers worried.事实上,我们依赖空调也让世界变得更热,住宅制冷所需能量之多引起气候研究人员的担忧。But on a psychological level, it’s also making the air outside feel hotter: The more air-conditioning you have, the more you need it to feel good.但从心理学角度说,这也确实让外面空气更热。你越使用空调,离开空调你就越不舒。Scientists call this the “adaptive comfort model”: the idea that our ideal temperature depends in part on whatever temperature we’ve recently been exposed to.科学家门层次为“适应型安抚模型”:我们理想的温度某种程度上取决于我们近日所处的温度。 /201608/462598

We were thinking we#39;d have our shit together in our twenties.我们在想20多岁的时候,大家都一起干过傻事。1. Getting epic breakouts.1、给人深刻印象的大爆发。We all thought pimples magically disappeared at 18.我们都以为18岁的时候,痘痘就会神奇地消失了。2. Being terrible at flirting.非常可怕的调情。Tbh it was probably easier as a teen.老实说,十几岁的时候这么干可能更容易些。3. Saying something incredibly dumb in front of a crush.在迷恋对象面前说一些不可思议的蠢话。4. Doing something incredibly dumb in front of a crush.在迷恋对象面前做一些不可思议的蠢事。5. Sending weird drunk texts.喝醉后,发送怪异的短信。 Or worse, social media updates.或者更糟,更新社交网络。6. Getting fomo about everything.害怕错过一切有趣的人或事。7. Finding out your friends have done something without you.发现朋友做了一些事,而且没带你耍。8. Hearing things a ~friend~ has said behind your back.得知一个“朋友”在你背后说过的话。Best thing about being an adult, is you can (probably) cut them out of your life and not deal with them in the future.作为成年人最好的事情就是你能够(大概)在生活中远离他们,将来也不同他们相处。9. Watching a movie with your parents and feeling awkward AF when a sex scene comes on.和父母一起看电影,在上演戏的时候,觉得非常尴尬。10. Attempting to hold a conversation with someone you don’t know very well.试图与自己不太了解的人对话。11. Going to a party with friends or your partner and not knowing anyone.和朋友或父母一起去参加聚会,且不认识聚会上的其他所有人。12. Just trying to make new friends in general.只是想结交新朋友。13. Saying “You too!” after a waiter tells you to enjoy your meal.在务员对你说请慢用后,说“你也是!”。14. Getting busted chucking a sickie.装病请假失败。15. Being called upon to answer something in a work meeting and not knowing what to say.工作会议上被要求对某事作出回应,却不知道该说什么。16. Dealing with cliques in the workplace.在工作场合处理拉帮结派。No one tells you it still happens after high school.没人告诉你高中毕业后还会出现拉帮结派这种事。17. Sending a message to the wrong person.把短信发给错误的收信人。It was most likely about them.这是最有可能的。18. And still spending your money on totally unnecessary things.还有把钱花在完全不必要的事情上。 /201606/448567

If you saw a man walk into a bar with a John Wayne swagger, you might assume that he#39;s a confident, tough kind of guy.如果你看见一个像约翰·韦恩一样昂首阔步地走进一个酒吧,你可能会认为他是个自信、坚韧的家伙。Or perhaps you#39;d have less polite thoughts. Either way, you probably wouldn#39;t be able to help yourself from jumping to conclusions about his personality based on his gait.或者,你还会对他有非分之想。或者,你可能会情不自禁的以他的步态来判断他的性格。Psychologists have been studying these assumptions for well over three quarters of a century, and their findings suggest that most of us do tend to make very similar interpretations of other people#39;s personalities based on their walking style. But how accurate are these assumptions?心理学家对这些假设已经研究了超过了四分之三个世纪了,他们的研究结果表明,我们大多数人倾向于根据别人走路的风格,对其性格作出非常相似的假设。但是这些假设有多准确呢?US psychologists in the late 1980s found that there are broadly two kinds of walk, which could be characterised by either a more youthful or older style of movement.上世纪80年代末,美国心理学家发现了两种主要的走路姿态,可以依靠其将人划分为年轻风格或年长风格。Furthermore, the observers assumed that people who walked with a younger style were happier and more powerful. But the study didn#39;t address the question of whether these assumptions are accurate.而且,观察者认为,走年轻风格步态的人更快乐,更强大。但这项研究并没有解决这些猜测是否准确的问题。For that, we must turn to a British and Swiss study published just a few years ago, which compared people#39;s ratings of their own personalities with the assumptions other people made about them based on point-light displays of their walks.为此,我们必须求助于几年前英国和瑞士的一份研究,这项研究对比了参与者对自身性格的评估以及他人根据光点运动轨迹对其性格的描述。Their results suggested again that there are two main walking styles, although this study described them in slightly different terms: the first was said to be an expansive, loose style, which observers saw as a mark of adventurousness, extraversion, trustworthiness and warmth; the other was a slow, relaxed style, which observers interpreted as a sign of emotional stability.他们的研究结果再次表明,主要存在两种走路风格,虽然描述术语稍有不同:第一种是潇洒放松的风格,观察者认为这是富于探险的、外向的、值得信赖的和温暖的;另一种是缓慢轻松的风格,观察者认为这是情绪稳定的标志。But crucially, the observers#39; judgments were wrong – these two different walking styles were not actually correlated with these traits, at least not based on the walkers#39; ratings of their own personalities.但重要的是,观察者的判断是错的--这两种不同风格的步态风格实际并不与这些特征相关,至少不能据此判断他人的性格。The message from all this research is that we treat a person#39;s gait much like we treat their face, clothing or accent – as a source of information about the kind of person they are. It#39;s just that, whereas the evidence suggests our assessments are rather good for faces, we tend to make false assumptions based on gait.所有的这些研究最终表明的信息是,我们看待一个人的步态,就像看待他的脸、着装或口音--仅仅只能作为判断他是什么样的人的一种信息来源。然而有据表明,我们根据面孔做出的判断会更好,但我们对步态的判断却常出错,就是这样。 /201606/447307

Two people are walking towards each other along a narrow pavement – who gives way?两个人沿着一条狭窄的人行道相向而行,谁给谁让路?If it is you, you fall into the 25 percent of people who prefer to step aside.如果是你让路,你就归入了25%喜欢站到一边让路的人群。Another 25 percent like to pass first, making the other person stand to one side.还有25%的人喜欢先通过,让对方站在一边让路。The remaining 50 percent make up the third type of pedestrian and vary their strategy.其余50%归入第三种类型的行人,他们会改变策略。The findings come from study in which researchers from the Technical University of Munich paired up 20 strangers and asked them to walk towards each other without colliding and without speaking.这项研究结果来自慕尼黑工业大学,研究人员将20个陌生人进行配对,要求他们在不发生碰撞也不说话的情况下向对方走去。The volunteers also filled in personality questionnaires and were measured and weighed.研究志愿者还填写了性格问卷,并测量了身高和体重。Interestingly, physical factors such as age, height and gender seemed to have no bearing on pavement etiquette.有趣的是,年龄、身高和性别等自然因素似乎与人行道上的礼仪没什么关系。Nor did traits such as extraversion or shyness, the Journal of Experimental Psychology reports.《实验心理学》杂志报道称,这与外向或害羞等性格特点也没有关系。In other words, some of us seem to be simply born to barge past.换言之,我们中的一些人似乎只是天生喜欢横冲直撞地先过去。A second experiment revealed that the person who passes first isn’t as rude as they may initially appear.另一项实验显示,先通过的人并不像他们最初表现的那样粗鲁。It seems they do tend to adjust their path – just not enough to avoid a collision.他们似乎倾向于调整自己的路线——只是不足以避免碰撞。As a result, it is only when the second person moves out of the way that the problem is solved.因此,只有当另一个人让路时问题才能解决。Etiquette expert William Hanson said that the custom of men walking on the outside of the pavement to protect women from traffic, splashes and other dangers has fallen by the wayside.礼仪专家威廉#8226;汉森说,男人走在人行道外侧保护女性远离车辆、溅湿等危险的传统做法已经被抛到一边。Mr Hanson said: ‘Traditionally, men let the woman they were accompanying walk closest to the building, away from the pavement edge.汉森先生说:“传统上,男性让同行的女性走靠近建筑的一边,远离人行道的边缘。How to avoid that awkward #39;pavement dance#39;如何避免“让路却让向同一侧”的尴尬?The German study doesn’t address what to do in the common but embarrassing situation, in which both pedestrians repeatedly dodge out of each other’s way in the same direction, giving the impression of dancing together on the pavement.两位行人互相让路,但反复让向同一侧,看上去就好像在人行道上一起跳舞,这种现象常见又尴尬。这项德国研究并未提及这时应该怎么做。But Mr Hanson said: ‘I tend to pick a side of the pavement, stick to it, and politely gesture to the empty space for the stranger to use.’但汉森先生说:“我总是选定人行道的一边,不换方向,礼貌地作出手势,让对方从另一侧通行。“THREE TYPES OF PEDESTRIAN三种行人类型Bumbler - Most people fall into this category. Scientists found 50 percent can#39;t make up their mind, and vary their strategy when walking in crowds.跌跌撞撞者——大部分人属于这一类。科学家们发现50%的人拿不定主意,在人群中行走时会改变策略。Barger - Around 25 percent of people like to pass first, making the other person stand to one side. The person who passes first isn’t as rude as they may initially appear.横冲直撞者—— 25%左右的人喜欢先过去,让其他人站到一边。先走过去的人并不像他们最初看起来那么粗鲁。It seems they do tend to adjust their path – just not enough to avoid a collision. 他们似乎倾向于调整自己的路线——只是不足以避免碰撞。Polite- Another 25 percent prefer to step aside. Interestingly, physical factors such as age, height and gender seemed to have no bearing on pavement etiquette.有礼貌——另外25%的人倾向于站到一边让路。有趣的是,年龄、身高和性别等自然因素似乎与人行道上的礼仪没什么关系。 /201607/452444

Welcome to this coaching session, where you#39;ll learn how to combat your addiction to coaching...欢迎来到这个辅导课,你将学习如何对对抗辅导课成瘾……When the need for coaching goes too far当需要辅导过火时 /201609/463084

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