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In our informal survey, 61% of teachers indicated that better pay is the best way to retain teachers. As part of our ;Learning to Teach; week at Michigan Radio, Joshua Cowen, an associate professor at the Education Policy Center at Michigan State University, discusses teacher pay in the state.Cowen says theres disagreement within the state of whether monetary compensation or professional opportunities work better to reward teachers.The old model has been based on tenure, or being guaranteed a certain amount of money for teaching a certain length of time. Cowen says the alternative being used by some instead bases compensation on performance.Cowen suggests the best solution is a hybrid of the two models, ;where experience is rewarded financially,; but ;the standards that you have to pass to reach tenure, for example, are higher than they were in the past.;Its important to reward experience because, as Cowen points out, ;In education that experience does lead to increased effectiveness over time. The first five years in particular teachers, by almost any measure, become more effective.;While compensation is also a factor, Cowen says its about more than just money.;One of the arguments against the way things are done now is that its not so much that money itself matters, but its money for what youre doing,; Cowen says.Salary often doesnt incentivize people to enter or remain in the profession, according to Cowen. Instead, monetary compensation is important when it reflects an appreciation of the teachers hard work or specific skills.;I think the take-home point is its not all about the money, its sort of the rewards for what youre doing,; Cowen says.201504/367482Teaching economics经济学教育The demand side需求方The economics curriculum is evolving, but too slowly for some经济学课程正在不断发展,但对于某些人来说节奏略慢“I DONT care who writes a nations laws, or crafts its advanced treatises, if I can write its economics textbooks.” So said Paul Samuelson, an American economist who more than achieved his aim by producing a bestseller. But debate swirls around the teaching of the dismal science—nowhere more so than in Britain.“如果我能书写一本关于这个国家的经济学教材,我将不会关心谁来制定国家的法律或者发表先进的论述。”美国经济学家Paul Samuelson如是说,因为其畅销书,他早已达到了他的目标。但是围绕政治经济学教学的争论从未停止——以英国为最甚。When the financial crisis hit in 2007-08, many economics students found themselves ill-equipped to think about what had gone wrong in the economy or how to fix it. Although researchers in top universities had studied financial panics, their work had not filtered down to the lecture theatre. Undergraduate courses focused on drier stuff, imparting a core of basic material that had not changed much for decades.当07年和08年金融危机席卷全球时,许多经济学的学生发现他们苦思冥想也想不出经济出了什么问题、应该怎样修复。尽管顶尖大学的研究人员对金融恐慌进行了研究,但他们的研究并没有走进课堂。大学本科的课程侧重于枯燥的原理,把多年不变的基本理论的核心传授给学生。As a result, aspiring economists struggled to analyse burning issues such as credit crunches, bank bail-outs and quantitative easing. Employers complained that recruits were technically able but could not relate theory to the real world. Graduatesknowledge of economic history—crucial during the crisis, given its parallels with the Depression of the 1930s—was especially lacking.这种模式导致心怀大志的经济学家致力于分析和解决燃眉之急,比如信贷危机、纾困以及量化宽松政策。雇主们抱怨招募进来的雇员拥有理论知识但不能把理论用于现实。大学生掌握的经济学历史的知识——在此次金融危机中十分重要,因为其与20世纪30年代的大萧条极为类似—尤为缺乏。Students became dissatisfied, too. Groups such as Rethinking Economics, a London-based network of student reformers, emerged to challenge the conventional wisdom of the classroom. At Manchester University, a student revolt led to plummeting satisfaction scores, driving the economics course down the league table.经济学学生也对现状十分不满。学生组织纷纷出现,由伦敦学生改革派组成的 “反思经济学” 开始挑战课堂上传统的经济学思维。在曼彻斯特大学,学生反抗活动使得学生对经济学课程满意度下降,迫使该课程未能登上课程排行榜。Teachers have now responded. University College London has introduced a new curriculum, the result of a project led by Professor Wendy Carlin. The old textbooks had things the wrong way round, Ms Carlin says. They taught concepts like supply and demand in an abstract way and then illustrated them with simple examples, such as the market for apples and oranges. By contrast, the new material challenges students to consider real-world topics from the outset. The section on labour supply begins with the history of real wage growth. The new course also acknowledges the limitations of basic models: the trade-off between efficiency and fairness is mentioned early, for instance. Students consider only the first in most introductory courses elsewhere.老师们现在终于有所回应。由于Wendy Carlin教授主持的一个项目,英国伦敦大学学院引进了一个新的课程。Carlin女士说,以前的课本完全搞错了方向。它们用一些抽象的方式来教授供给和需求等经济学概念,然后用市场上的苹果和橘子这种简单的例子来告诉学生。而现在,新的教科书鼓励学生从现实生活中找到例子。书中关于劳动力供给的这一部分就是从实际工资增长的历史开始讲起的。这个新课程也认识到基本模型的局限性:比如,效率与公平的权衡在很早就告知了学生。而其他学校的学生在大部分入门课程上只注重前者。Though Ms Carlin and her colleagues are overhauling teaching methods, the content of the course remains fairly mainstream. That irks those who think the financial crisis has posed a more fundamental challenge to the subject. Rethinking Economics wants curricula to cover heterodox schools of thought. For example, mainstream economic models rely heavily on the concept of equilibrium—a state in which nobody has an incentive to change their behaviour. Critics say this is never reached in the real world, so is a flawed starting point. They want more philosophical discussion about how best to approach economics, and point to Leeds, Greenwich and Kingston universities as models of how to do this.尽管Carlin与其同事在改革教学方式,课程内容仍然跟随主流。这让那些认为金融危机给经济学带来了更为根本性挑战的人们十分恼火。“反思经济学”希望经济学课程能够涵盖非正统的思想流派。举个例子,主流经济学模型严重依赖均衡范式—一种人们没有动机去改变行为的状态。批评者说这在现实生活中根本不可能实现,所以经济学家一开始就错了。们想要在如何更好解决经济学问题上展开更多理论性的论述,并且点名利兹、 格林威治和金斯顿大学作为试点。Two rather different questions have been posed. One asks whether courses do a good job of equipping students with the most important insights from mainstream academic research. The other asks whether young economists should learn more than just todays favoured approach. It would be odd if curricula departed radically from the academic consensus. But perhaps mainstream theory must catch up with its students.两个迥然不同的问题随之而来。一个是关于课程是否能够为学生从主流学术研究中找到一个最重要的视角。另一个则是年轻的经济学家是否能够不只是学习现今受大众喜欢的方法。如果课程完全背离学术共识,那也会显得很奇怪。但,毋庸置疑,主流的经济学理论必须赶上学生的脚步。译者:胡雅琳 校对:石海霞译文属译生译世 /201502/360210As more of the nations attention is focused on police shootings, more police departments are putting body-worn cameras on their officers.The idea is to improve relations and trust between police and the community.But bodycams raise some sticky questions about balancing transparency and respecting privacy.Here in Michigan, the American Civil Liberties Union has been asked to analyze the privacy issues surrounding bodycams and develop model policy to help address some of these concerns.Rodd Monts is with the Michigan ACLU. He tells us that while the ACLU doesnt know exactly how many body cameras are in use by officers in Michigan and across the country, their use has greatly increased in the last few years.Monts tells us the ACLU generally considers bodycams to be a win-win solution for both law enforcement and civilians.;It provides that level of accountability and monitoring when it comes to police/civilian interactions, and on the polices end, it provides them an opportunity to collect information on those interactions in cases where they may be alleged to have engaged in misconduct and have that not be the case,; he says.While bodycams offer great promise in the form of transparency and accountability, Monts tells us they do raise some concerns.;Technology usually outpaces policy,; he says. ;The cameras are a great device, but without appropriate policy and practice there is the specter of potential misuse and or abuse.;The ACLU is calling for policies that clearly indicate when officers should be using the cameras, how the collected data is stored, how officers can effectively communicate to individuals they encounter that they are being recorded, ;particularly when it comes to an officer entering a private home as opposed to being involved in a police chase,; Monts says.When it comes to monitoring potential police misconduct, Monts says bodycams are only part of the equation, pointing to other factors including officer training, implicit bias and cultural competency.Monts tells us there are a few pieces of legislation that have been introduced in Lansing that would provide some oversight regarding the cameras use and data collection. Among them is House Bill 4234, which would exempt police audio or recordings taken in private places from being accessible under the Freedom of Information Act.In its model policy, the ACLU recommends that bodycam footage be kept for six months.Monts explains that many people who support this technology want to hold on to that footage in perpetuity, ;even if that footage that has no material value or evidentiary value,; a policy that the ACLU rejects due to concerns of both privacy and practicality.;We have a problem with mass surveillance,; Monts says. ;We dont have a problem with capturing and reviewing that after a shift is concluded, deleting the that has no value, and retaining any of criminal activity for as long as it is needed as evidence, but other than that were not in support of maintaining data for undetermined periods of time.;Indefinite data storage has also gotten some pushback from some police agencies complaining of the costs associated with storing a lot of data for a long time.;If you are determined to maintain only that data that could be potential evidence, then youre going to have a lower cost of data storage,; Monts says.Monts tells us the ACLU believes that bodycam footage should be available under FOIA, but recognizes that ;the issue is complicated,; especially with regard to recording in private residences.Rodd Monts tells us more about the ACLUs stance on bodycams and recommendations for their use in our conversation above.201603/431610Well, it now seems that the race for the Republican nomination, which once had more candidates than a baseball team, is down to three real contenders.The Democrats are down to two, and something suddenly occurred to me over the weekend. Im a baby boomer, born in the 1950s.That was a proud decade. Besides all the millions and millions of us, it gave America rock and roll, tail fins, and color TV. Growing up, we were going to change the world and make it a better place when one of us got to be president.Except now it seems that none of us may ever get the chance. It may well be that no child born in the 1950s will ever become president of the ed States. Consider this:The two remaining Democratic candidates, Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton, were born in the 1940s. So was Donald Trump. Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, the only others with a realistic shot at the Republican nomination, were born in the 1970s, which still boggles my mind.It was bad enough that President Obama was born in 1961. Ohio Governor John Kasich was born in 1953, and he is still hanging in there. But he got a bare seven percent of the vote in South Carolina. Fewer votes, that is, than Jeb Bush, who then quit. At this point, vice-president seems a far more reasonable goal for Kasich. Ben Carson is no longer a real factor.So suppose one of the five front-runners does win. The last three presidents served their full two terms. Assuming the next one does too, the children of my decade will be somewhere between 66 and 75 when the next president leaves office.Theoretically one of us could still be elected in 2024. But thats not very likely; new stars keep emerging, and old ones get eclipsed. If that happens, the 1950s will join the 1930s as the only two decades since 1820 that never produced a president.I can understand why not the 30s: Fewer babies were born because of The Great Depression. And two 30s babies did become major party nominees, Mike Dukakis and John McCain, both of whom lost badly. The nearly 40 million of us born in the 1950s have yet to produce even one vice presidential nominee.Im not quite sure why.It could be that the slightly older boomers, like Clinton and Trump, got out there first and wont leave, which is what has been happening all across America.It could be because we were the most indulged generation in history, spoiled by parents trying to compensate for their own deprivations in the Great Depression and World War II.And frankly, I indeed cant recall any politicians my age who were as relentlessly driven, say, as are the Clintons. Our parents probably would have said our powers of concentration and drive were weakened by all that Beatles music. Or that we lost our faith in politics because of Watergate or Vietnam. There may something to all that.Except that when you consider what someone running for president has to go through, it might just be that a lot of us looked at it—and decided that we are just a little bit too sane.Jack Lessenberry is Michigan Radios political analyst. Views expressed in his essays are his own and do not necessarily reflect those of Michigan Radio, its management or the station licensee, The University of Michigan.201602/427513

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