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I never realized how little I understood race until I tried to explain it to my 5-year-old son. Our family story doesn’t seem too complicated: I’m Chinese-American and my husband is white, an American of English-Dutch-Irish descent; we have two children. My 5-year-old knows my parents were born in China, and that I speak Cantonese sometimes. He has been to Hong Kong and Guangzhou to visit his gung-gung, my father. But when I asked him the other day if he was Chinese, he said no.直到试着给五岁的儿子解释什么是种族,我才意识到自己对种族的了解原来如此之少。我们的家庭背景似乎也不算太复杂:我是华裔美国人,我丈夫是白人,一个有英格兰、荷兰和爱尔兰血统的美国人;我们有两个孩子。五岁的儿子知道我父母出生在中国,知道我有时会说广东话。他曾经去过香港和广州,见过他的公公,也就是我父亲。但那天我问他是不是华人,他说不是。“You’re Chinese, but I’m not,” he told me, with certainty. “But I eat Chinese food.” This gave me pause. How could I tell him that I wasn’t talking about food or cultural heritage or where we were born? (Me, I’m from Queens.) I had no basis to describe race to him other than the one I’d taken pains to avoid: how we look and how other people treat us as a result.“你是华人,但我不是,”他很确定地告诉我。“不过,我吃中餐。”我不得不停下来想了一会。怎么才能让他明白,我谈论的东西和饮食、文化遗产或者我们在哪里出生没关系?(我本人来自纽约皇后区。)我几乎没什么可以拿来对他描述种族的依据,除了我竭力避免谈及的一点:我们的长相,以及其他人因此如何对待我们。My son probably doesn’t need me to tell him we look different. He’s a whir-in-a-blender mix of my husband and me; he has been called Croatian and Italian. More than once in his life, he will be asked, “What are you?” But in that moment when he confidently asserted himself as “not Chinese,” I felt a selfish urge for him to claim a way of describing himself that included my side of his genetic code. And yet I knew that I had no business telling him what his racial identity was. Today, he might feel white; tomorrow he might feel more Chinese. The next day, more, well, both. Who’s to say but him?不用我讲,儿子很可能也知道,我们长得不一样。我和丈夫的基因在他那里得到充分混杂;他曾被认作克罗地亚人和意大利人。在他的一生里,他将不止一次被问道,“你是什么人?”但是在他自信地断言自己“不是华人”的时候,我有一种自私的欲望,想让他用一种涵盖我这边基因的方式描述他自己。然而,我知道轮不到我来告诉他,他是什么种族身份。今天他可能觉得自己是白人;明天可能觉得自己更像华人。再以后,可能会觉得,嗯,两者皆有。这事除了他,还有谁能说了算?Racial identity can be fluid. More and more, it will have to be: Multiracial Americans are on the rise, growing at a rate three times as fast as the country’s population as a whole, according to a new Pew Research Center study released in June. Nearly half of mixed-race Americans today are younger than 18, and about 7 percent of the U.S. adult population could be considered multiracial, though they might not call themselves that. The need to categorize people into specific race groups will never feel entirely relevant to this population, whose perceptions of who they are can change by the day, depending on the people they’re with.种族身份可能是变化的。情况必将越来越如此。皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center)于6月发布的一项新研究显示,多种族美国人的人数在增加,速度是全国人口增幅的三倍。如今,近一半的美国混血儿不满18岁,大约7%的美国成年人可以被认定为多种族,尽管他们可能不会自称混血儿。这个群体永远不会觉得需要把人划归到具体种族这一点和自己有很大的关系。他们对自己是谁的看法可能每天都在变,具体要看他们和谁在一起。Besides, the American definition of race has always been in flux. For one thing, context mattered: In 1870, mixed-race American Indians living on reservations were counted as Indians, but if they lived in white communities they were counted as whites. Who was “white” evolved over time: From the 1870s to 1930s, a parade of court rulings pondered the “whiteness” of Asian immigrants from China, Japan and India, often changing definitions by the ruling in order to exclude yet another group from citizenship. When mixed-race people became more prevalent, things got murkier still. Who the U.S. Census Bureau designated “colored” or “black” varied, too, before and after slavery, and at times including subcategories for people of mixed race, all details often left up to the whims of the census taker. In 1930, nativist lobbyists succeeded in getting Mexicans officially labeled nonwhite on the census; up until then, they were considered white and allowed citizenship. By 1940, international political pressure had reversed the decision. It wasn’t until 2000 that the Census Bureau started letting people choose more than one race category to describe themselves, and it still only recognizes five standard racial categories: white, black/African-American, American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander.此外,美国对种族的定义也一直在变。首先,环境很重要:1870年,生活在保留地的混血美国印第安人被算成印第安人,但如果生活在白人社区,他们就会被算作白人。随着时间的推移,谁是“白人”的定义不断演变:从19世纪70年代到上世纪30年代,有一系列衡量来自中国、日本和印度的亚洲移民是否属于“白人”的法庭裁决。它们常常用裁决的形式改变定义,为的是拒绝承认另一个群体有资格申领公民身份。当混血儿变得更多见时,情况也变得愈发模糊不清。在奴隶制废除之前和之后,美国人口普查局(U.S. Census Bureau)认定的“有色人种”和“黑人”也各不相同,有些时期还包括针对混血儿的小类,所有细微之处往往是由人口普查员随意决定的。1930年,本土主义说客成功地让墨西哥人在人口普查表上正式被归为非白人。在那之前,他们一直被认为是白人,能够获得国籍。到了1940年,国际政治压力迫使这一决定被推翻。直到2000年,人口普查局才开始允许人们在描述自己时选择多个种族类别。但该机构依然只承认五个标准种族类别:白人、黑人/非裔美国人、美洲印第安人/阿拉斯加原住民、亚洲人和夏威夷原住民/太平洋岛上居民。Racial categories formed the historical basis for so many of America’s societal and political decisions, and yet even the Census Bureau has admitted that its categories are in flux, recognizing that race is not a fixed, “quantifiable” value but a fluid one. White or black or Asian America isn’t monolithic and never was. Everyone’s story can be parsed ever more minutely: Haitian-Hawaiian, Mexican-Salvadorean, Cuban-Chinese. And when you start mixing up stories, as my family has, much of the institutional meaning of race falls away; it becomes, instead, intensely individual. In a strange way, the renewed fluidity of racial identity is a homecoming of sorts, to a time before race — and racism — was institutionalized.族裔构成了美国很多社会和政治决策的历史基础。但就连人口普查局自己也承认种族类别是会变化的,认识到种族不是一个固定的“量化”值,而是不稳定的。在美国,不管是白人、黑人还是亚洲人,其种族都不是单一的,而且从来如此。每个人的背景都可以进行更细微的拆分:海地-夏威夷、墨西哥-萨尔瓦多、古巴-中国。当开始像我家一样,种族背景各异的人走到一起时,种族的很多制度意义消失了,反倒成了一件非常个人化的事情。种族身份重新表现出的不稳定性以一种奇怪的方式,让一切回到了种族和种族主义被制度化之前的状态。In the San Francisco Bay Area, where I live, the once-derogatory term hapa — from the Hawaiian word for “half”; it’s a Hawaiian pidgin term long used to refer to people of mixed-race background — is now part of the everyday lexicon. In my sons’ preschool and kindergarten classes, hapa is fast becoming the norm because there are so many mixed-race children in attendance. There’s power in the word: a reclaiming of territory, a self-determination. To me, the idea of hapa as a racial definition is inclusive rather than exclusive and thus a step in the right direction. The term is mostly used to refer to people of part Asian heritage, but increasingly it’s used for anyone of mixed race. And it’s a term that tends to be a self-identifying choice, rather than an outside imposition.在我生活的旧金山湾区,曾带有贬义的词hapa成了日常用语的一部分。这个词来自夏威夷语中表示“一半”的词,这个外来词汇长期用来指有混血背景的人。在我儿子的学前班和幼儿园班级里,hapa正在迅速地成为常态,因为学生中混血孩子太多了。这个词含有一种力量:是对领土的收复,是一种自主决定。在我看来,把hapa作为一种种族定义的想法体现的是包容而非排斥,因而是朝正确的方向迈出的一步。这个词目前主要用来指有一部分亚洲血统的人,但也越来越多地被用来指代所有混血儿。而且这个词往往是人们在界定自己的身份时可以使用的一个选择,而不是外部强加的。There’s a difference, you know. A critical element in the long-running Hapa Project, for which the artist and filmmaker Kip Fulbeck traveled the country and photographed thousands of multiracial people, is that photo subjects speak for themselves. One woman states to her observers: “I am a person of color. I am not half-‘white.’ I am not half-‘Asian.’ I am a whole ‘other.’” There is a resistance to fragmentation, a taking control of the narrative. Fulbeck, as a mixed-race person himself, came up with the idea as a kid in elementary school, when he struggled with what he calls the “check one box only” question. Here, we aren’t talking about getting rid of the boxes or just adding more boxes but creating more flexible ones that can hold more going forward.大家知道,这其中是有差别的。为了旷日持久的Hapa Project,艺术家兼电影制作人基普·富尔贝克(Kip Fulbeck)曾游历全国,给成千上万名混血儿拍照。该项目的一个关键要素是,拍摄对象自己发声。一名女子对观察员说:“我是有色人种。但我不是半个‘白人’,也不是半个‘亚洲人’。我完全是‘其他种族’。”在这里,种族细分受到了抵制,人们把叙事掌控在自己手里。富尔贝克自己也是一名混血儿。还是个上小学的孩子时,他就有了这个想法。他说自己当时无法面对他口中那个“只在其中一个框里打钩”的问题。我们在这里讨论的不是去掉选项,或仅仅是增加更多的选项,而是创造更灵活的选项,能在未来承载更多含义。There will be surprises in my own household when it comes to racial identity. According to the Pew study, biracial Asian-whites are more likely to identify with whites than they are with Asians. This line made me sit up: It never occurred to me that my sons could possibly identify only as white. I’m forced to think more carefully about what it is that actually makes me uncomfortable with that idea: It’s not that I want my sons to experience discrimination, but if they do choose to identify as white, there is something about being a racial minority in America that I would want them to know. As a child, I most wanted to fit in. As a young adult, I learned how I stood apart and to have pride in it. In the experience of being an “other,” there’s a valuable lesson in consciousness: You learn to listen harder, because you’ve heard what others have to say about you before you even have a chance to speak.说到种族身份,我自己家将会出现让我吃惊的情况。皮尤中心的研究显示,有亚裔白人混血儿认同自己是白人的可能性,比认为自己是亚裔的可能性大。这一发现让我坐直了身子。我从没想过儿子可能只会认为自己是白人。我被迫更仔细地思考,真正让我对此感到不舒的是什么:不是我想让自己的儿子经历歧视,但如果他们真的选择认为自己是白人,那么我想让他们知道,关于在美国作为一个少数族裔的一些事情。还是个孩子时,我极想融入。年轻时,我学到了如何保持自己的不同身份并以此为荣。在身为“其他种族”的经历中,珍贵的教训是要有意识:要学会更认真地听,因为在有机会开口前,你已经听到别人说了你什么。But the truth is, I can’t tell my sons what to feel: more white than Asian, more Asian than white, neither, both. Other. I can only tell them what I think about my own identity and listen hard to what they have to tell me in turn. If that isn’t practicing good race relations, what is? Much as I hate to admit it, what they choose to be won’t necessarily have to do with me. Because my sons are going to be the ones who say who — not what — they are.但事实时,我没法告诉孩子们怎么去想:认为自己更多的是白人而非亚洲人、更多的是亚洲人而非白人、两者都不是、两者都是,抑或是其他。我只能告诉他们我怎么考虑自己的身份,并认真听他们想要告诉我的话。如果这都不是在奉行良好的种族关系,什么才是?虽然我很讨厌承认这一点,但他们选择的身份不一定和我有关系。因为我的儿子将会决定自己是谁,而不是自己是什么。 /201512/416343

The global public health emergency involving deformed babies emerged in 2015, the hottest year in the historical record, with an outbreak in Brazil of a disease transmitted by heat-loving mosquitoes. Can that be a coincidence?2015年,全球出现了涉及婴儿畸形的公共卫生紧急情况。这一年也是有历史记录以来最热的一年。这种由喜热的蚊子所传播的疾病在巴西爆发,是否可能只是巧合?Scientists say it will take them years to figure that out, and pointed to other factors that may have played a larger role in starting the crisis. But these same experts added that the Zika epidemic, as well as the related sp of a disease called dengue that is sickening as many as 100 million people a year and killing thousands, should be interpreted as warnings.科学家称,要确定是否属于巧合需要进行多年的研究。他们指出这次危机可能另有原因。但是,这些专家还补充说,兹卡的疫情以及与之相关的登革热的传播应该被视为一种警告。后者一年最多能感染1亿人,并造成数以千计的人们死亡。Over the coming decades, global warming is likely to increase the range and speed the life cycle of the particular mosquitoes carrying these viruses, encouraging their sp deeper into temperate countries like the ed States.在未来几十年,全球变暖可能造成那些携带这些病毒的特殊种类的蚊子的活动范围扩大和生命周期加快,进而促使这些疫病向美国等温带国家扩展。Recent research suggests that under a worst-case scenario, involving continued high global emissions coupled with fast population growth, the number of people exposed to the principal mosquito could more than double, to as many as 8 billion or 9 billion by late this century from roughly 4 billion today.近期的研究表明,最糟糕的一种情况是,随着全球温室气体的大量排放和人口的高速增长,有可能接触这种蚊子的人口将翻番,目前是40亿左右,到本世纪末将多达80亿或90亿。“As we get continued warming, it’s going to become more difficult to control mosquitoes,” said Andrew Monaghan, who is studying the interaction of climate and health at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, Colo. “The warmer it is, the faster they can develop from egg to adult, and the faster they can incubate viruses.”“随着全球变暖,控制蚊子将越来越困难。”安德鲁·莫纳甘(Andrew Monaghan)说。安德鲁在科罗拉多州尔德的美国国家大气研究中心(National Center for Atmospheric Research)研究气候与健康的互动关系。“天气越热,蚊子从孵化到成年的速度就越快,病毒繁殖的速度也就越快。”Aly, climate change is suspected — though not proven — to have been a factor in a string of disease outbreaks afflicting both people and animals. These include the sp of malaria into the highlands of eastern Africa, the rising incidence of Lyme disease in North America, and the sp of a serious livestock ailment called bluetongue into parts of Europe that were once too cold for it to thrive.人们怀疑,气候变化是人畜感染一系列疾病的一个原因,尽管这一点尚未得到实。这些疾病包括东非高原地区的疟疾,北美莱姆病的发病率升高,欧洲部分地区的牲畜出现的严重的蓝舌病疫情,那些地区之前因为太冷,很少出现这些疾病。In interviews, experts noted that no epidemic was ever the result of a single variable.在访谈中,专家指出没有任何一种传染病是仅由一个变量引起的。Instead, epidemics always involve interactions among genes, ecology, climate and human behavior, presenting profound difficulties for scientists trying to tease apart the contributing factors. “The complexity is enormous,” said Walter J. Tabachnick, a professor with the Florida Medical Entomology Laboratory, a unit of the University of Florida in Vero Beach.相反,传染病常常涉及基因、生态、气候、人类行为等多种因素的互动,所以科学家很难把单个因素分离出来。“原因极为复杂。”佛罗里达大学(University of Florida)位于维罗比奇(Vero Beach)的佛罗里达医学昆虫学实验室的教授瓦尔特·塔巴奇尼克(Walter J. Tabachnick)说。The epidemics of Zika and dengue are cases in point. The viruses are being transmitted largely by the yellow fever mosquito, Aedes aegypti. That creature adapted long ago to live in human settlements, and developed a concomitant taste for human blood.兹卡和登革热就是典型的例子。这些病毒主要是由感染黄热病的伊蚊传播。这种生物早已适应了在人类聚居地生存,并因此喜好人类的血液。Cities in the tropics, the climate zone most favorable to the mosquito, have undergone explosive growth: Humanity passed a milestone a few years ago when more than half the population had moved to urban areas. But spending on health care and on basic public health infrastructure, like water pipes and sewers, has not kept pace. Mosquito control has also faltered in recent decades.热带是最适合蚊子生存的气候带,而那里的城市正在经历迅猛的增长:几年前人类就跨过了一个里程碑:一半以上的人口已迁居到城市地区。但是公共医疗和公共卫生基础设施的投入,比如水管和下水设施,仍是滞后的。近几十年对蚊子的控制也出现了放松。The mosquito lays its eggs in containers of water, of a sort that are especially common in the huge slums of Latin American cities. With unreliable access to piped water, people there store water in rooftop cisterns, buckets and the like. Old tires and other debris can also become mosquito habitat.蚊子在盛水的容器中产卵,这种容器在拉丁美洲城市的大型贫民窟中尤其常见。由于没有可靠的管道用水,那里的人们会把水存放在屋顶的水箱、水桶和类似的容器中。旧轮胎和其他垃圾也可能成为蚊子的栖息地。Water storage near homes is commonplace in areas where Zika has sp rapidly, like the cities of Recife and Salvador in northeastern Brazil, and where dengue experienced a surge in 2015, like S漀 Paulo, Brazil’s largest state.在兹卡病毒迅速传播的区域,比如巴西东北部城市累西腓和萨尔瓦多,以及2015年出现登革热病例激增的巴西最大州圣保罗,都有在民宅附近存水的习惯。Altogether, dengue killed at least 839 people in Brazil in 2015, a 40 percent increase from the previous year. Worldwide, dengue is killing more than 20,000 people a year.2015年,巴西共有至少839人死于登革热,比上一年增加40%。而全世界一年有超过2万人死于登革热。 多名专家在访谈中称,疾病爆发的一个主要原因很可能是城市化、人口增长和跨国旅行造成受风险人口增加。他们认为气候变化只是压垮骆驼的最后一根稻草。Several experts said in interviews that a main reason for the disease outbreaks was most likely the expansion of the number of people at risk, through urbanization, population growth and international travel. They see the changing climate as just another stress on top of a situation that was aly rife with peril.多名专家在采访中说,疾病爆发的一个主要原因很可能是随着城市化、人口增长和跨国旅行,面临风险的人群扩大了。他们认为在已经有重重危险的局面中,气候变化只是其中的一重压力。While they do not understand to what degree rising temperatures and other weather shifts may have contributed to the outbreaks, they do understand some of the potential mechanisms.虽然他们并不知道气温升高和其他气候变化因素,对疫情爆发的作用有多大,但是他们明白其中一些潜在的机制。The mosquitoes mostly live on flower nectar, but the female of the species needs a meal of human blood to have enough protein to lay her eggs. If she bites a person infected with dengue, Zika or any of several other diseases, she picks up the virus.蚊子大多以花蜜为生,但是雌性蚊子为了产卵,需要吸人血来提供充足的蛋白质。如果它叮了已感染登革热、兹卡或其他几种病的人,它就携带了该种病毒。The virus has to reproduce in the mosquito for a certain period before it can be transmitted to another person in a subsequent bite. The higher the air temperature, the shorter that incubation period. Moreover, up to a point, higher temperatures cause the mosquitoes to mature faster.病毒需要在蚊子的体内繁殖一段时间,才能在下一次叮咬时传播给他人。温度越高,病毒繁殖所需的时间就越短。而且在某个限度以内,温度越高,蚊子的成熟就越快。With rising temperatures, “You’re actually speeding up the whole reproductive cycle of the mosquitoes,” said Charles B. Beard, who heads a unit in Fort Collins, Colo., studying insect-borne diseases for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. “You get larger populations, with more generations of mosquitoes, in a warmer, wetter climate. You have this kind of amplification of the risk.”温度上升“实际上会加速蚊子的整个繁殖周期,”查尔斯·B·彼尔德(Charles B. Beard)说,“人口增加了,在更潮湿、更炎热的气候里,存活的蚊子世代也增多了,这就放大了风险。”彼尔德领导着一个位于科罗拉多州科林斯堡的团队,为亚特兰大的疾病控制与预防中心(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta)进行昆虫传播疾病研究。In principle, the risk from continued global warming applies not just to temperate countries, but to cities at high altitude in tropical countries. Researchers are keeping a close eye on Mexico City, for instance.理论上,全球持续变暖所带来的风险,不仅涉及温带国家,还涉及热带国家的高海拔城市。比如,研究人员正在密切关注墨西哥城。With 21 million people in the city and its suburbs, Mexico City is the largest metropolis of the Western Hemisphere. While the lowlands of Mexico are plagued by yellow fever mosquitoes and the viruses they transmit, the country’s capital sits on a mountain plain that has — up to now — been too cold for the mosquitoes.墨西哥城的城区和郊区一共有2100万人,它是西半球最大的都市。虽然在墨西哥的低地,感染黄热病和其他病毒的蚊子到处肆虐,但是墨西哥的首都位于较寒冷的山顶平原,至少目前蚊子还无法在那里生存。But temperatures are rising, and the mosquitoes have recently been detected in low numbers near Mexico City.但是随着气温的升高,墨西哥城附近最近发现了少量的蚊子。“The mosquito is just down the hill, literally,” Dr. Monaghan said. “I think all the potential is there to have virus transmission if climatic conditions become a bit more suitable.”“蚊子已经来到山脚下了,”莫纳甘士说。“我觉得只要气候条件再合适一点,病毒就有可能开始传播。” /201602/427713

SINGAPORE (AP) — Emerging Asian nations arefinding out what developed ones did years ago: Money — and the stuff it buys —brings happiness, or at least satisfaction.新加坡(美联社)——崛起中的亚洲国家发现了发达国家数年前就存在的迹象:金钱——以及靠金钱买来的东西——可以带来幸福感,至少可以由此获得满足感。Levels of self-reportedwell-being in fast-growing nations like Indonesia, Chinaand Malaysia now rival thosein the U.S., Germany and the ed Kingdom, rich nations that have long topped the happinesscharts, according to a Pew Research Centerglobal survey released Friday.据皮尤研究中心周五公布的全球调查,印尼、中国和马来西亚这些快速发展中国家自我报告的幸福感水平现已可与美国、德国和英国相匹敌,这些富有的国家长久以来占据幸福感排行榜的领衔位置。It says it shows how rises in nationalincome are closely linked to personal satisfaction.皮尤研究中心称,这表明国家收入增长与个人满足感密切相关。The pollsters asked people in 43 countriesto place themselves on a ;ladder of life,; with the top rungrepresenting the best possible life and the bottom the worst. Pew carried outthe same survey in 2002 and 2005 in most of those countries, enablingresearchers to look at trends over time.民意测验专家让43个国家的人给自己在;生活阶梯;上定位,最高梯级代表最好不过的生活状态,而最低梯级则代表最差的生活状态。2002年到2005年期间,皮尤研究中心已对这些国家中的绝大部分国家开展过同样的调查,研究人员得以观察随时间变动的趋势。But the data also suggested that there is alimit to how much happiness money can buy. For example, 56 percent ofMalaysians rated their life a ;seven; or higher on the ladder,significantly more than the 36 percent in Bangladesh, a poor country. Yet thepublic in Germany, which hasfar higher gross domestic product per capita than Malaysia,expressed a life satisfaction level of 60 percent, just 4 percentage pointsmore than Malaysia.但数据也表明金钱可以买来的幸福感是有限的。例如,56%的马来西亚人将自己的生活状态定位于;第7阶梯;或在其之上的位置,这远高于比例只有36%的贫穷国家孟加拉国。而德国民众表露的生活满意度是60%,只比马来西亚高出4个百分点,但德国的人均国内生产总值远高于马来西亚。While wealth appears to contribute tohappiness, other research has indicated it is far from the only factor. Womentend to be happier than man, for example, and unmarried and middle-aged peopletend to report lower levels of well-being than married and younger people,respectively.虽然财富看似可以带来幸福感,其他研究已经表明这远非唯一的因素。例如,女性的幸福感高于男性,而未婚人士和中年人的幸福感分别要低于已婚人士和年轻人。The Pew survey results, which were based on47,643 interviews in 43 countries with adults 18 and older between March andJune, also found that people in emerging and developing economies prioritize afew essentials in life, including their health, their children#39;s education andsafety from crime. Fewer people in those economies said Internet access, carownership, free time or the ability to travel is very important in their lives.皮尤研究中心的调查结果是基于3月份至6月份期间对43个国家47643名年龄在18岁以上的成年人进行的采访。研究还发现,新兴发展中国家的人们将几个要素列为优先级,这些要素包括健康、孩子的教育和远离犯罪侵害。这些经济体中较少有人说接触网络、拥有汽车、享受闲暇时光或能否旅行是生活中很重要的部分。 /201607/455979


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